Land Swapping between Nepal and India

Land Swapping between Nepal and India

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

Land Swapping between Nepal and India

to Settle Limpiyadhura Border Issue

Frontier land is that portion of the territory of any country which lies close along the borderline of another country. Lord Curzon of Kedles Viceroy of India (1898-1905) has said “Frontiers are indeed the razor’s edge on which hang suspended the modern issues of war or peace, of life or death to nation. It indicates that border is a sensitive element.

Sometimes, there may be disputes between two neighboring countries, regarding the ownership of some of the frontier lands. For example, Nepal and India have the dispute on Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura. This scribe intends to float a thought whether there is a possibility to swap the land of Limpiyadhura area with India.

According to the international boundary principle, there are four alternate steps to resolve the frontier land dispute. First, dialogue, discussion, understanding and negotiation. Second, mediation/arbitration. Third, UN security council geo-informatics division. Fourth, international court of justice. Dialogue and negotiation are regarded as the best means of dispute resolution, in a win-win situation.

International practice:

It is tried here to describe the negotiation process. There are three items of negotiation: swapping of lands, to provide on lease and compensation. Under the negotiations, mostly, swapping of lands is prevalent. For example, Netherlands and Belgium swapped the lands of Meuse area in 2016, and Netherlands was benefitted 25 Acres of land. Servia and Kosovo exchanged Medveja and Presevo frontier in 1992. Finland and Sweden swapped Markat area islands in 2012.

Nepal and China exchanged portion of frontiers during the border demarcation in 1961-62.

Nepal provided 1836 square kilometer of frontier lands to Chinese side. In exchange, China gave 2139 sq. km to Nepal. With this effect, those, whose lands were demarcated on the other frontier, they had been given to choose the nationality within one year period. Those, who retained their citizenship as it is and if their lands fall on the other nation, they were provided monetary compensation evaluating jointly by the Nepali and Chinese local authorities.

Nepal and India also have exchanged lands. British resident J Manners Smith sent a request letter to Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher on May 3, 1916 to provide Nepali land to construct Sharada barrage canal project in an exchange basis. There were many correspondences and discussions in due course. Finally, a proposal was made on October 21, 1920 on this matter. Nepal government transferred 4130 acres of land at Sharada barrage area to India and Nepal received 4094 acres of Manpura Tapara, Rajapur of Bardiya district and forest area of Dang near Koilabas.

Bhutan-China:

Bhutanese King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck had eight-day official visit to India from November 3-10, 2023. Before King’s visit to India, there was the 25 th round of talk between Bhutan and China to settle the boundary issue. According to Bhutan, China and Bhutan have a dispute in two sectors of the border, one in Pasamlung-Jakarlung in north-central area, and second in the west Doklam. During the talk, China proposed territory swap as a solution for the dispute. It was proposed the disputed area of Jakarlung and Pasamlung to be swapped with the Doklam plateau. The deal would have benefited Bhutan by giving it the larger chunk of land with an area of 495 sq km. Instead, China would get only 269 sq km of Doklam plateau. Swapping was a Chinese proposal in resolving its tensions with Bhutan. But this was something that Bhutan rejected, given India’s concern. It was a big worry for India, as the Doklam swap would have given China access to the strategically sensitive chicken neck of the Siliguri corridor.

The Doklam plateau, south of the tri-junction among Bhutan, China and India, is where the Indian military, on behalf of Bhutan, was engaged in a standoff with the Chinese forces in 2017 to prevent them from encroaching upon the disputed territory. The standoff ended after over 73 days when both New Delhi and Beijing announced the withdrawal of their forces. It indicates that swapping of frontiers is a means to settle the boundary dispute between two countries.

Bangladeshi model:

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bangladesh on June 6, 2015.During his visit, an agreement was made to swap the land to each other. Under the agreement, Bangladesh transferred 51 enclaves to India. Its area was 3,000 Acres with 16,000 Bangladeshi inhabitants. In exchange, India provided to Bangladesh 111 enclaves having 3,500 Acres, inhabited by 34,000 Indians. People living in the enclaves had been allowed to choose to live in India or Bangladesh with the option of being granted citizenship in the newly designated frontiers and the enclaves would effectively cease to exist.

After the agreement, Indian Prime Minister Modi compared the swapping agreement to the dismantling of another Berlin Wall. Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, sixty- eight years old frontier human benevolence issue has been resolved peacefully. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee expressed “I am dignified to be a witness in this historic agreement. It is to be noted that India and Bangladesh had done homework rigorously for years to exchange the enclaves. To materialize the swapping, India did 100 th amendment in the constitution on May 15, 2015.

Nepal-India swapping of lands:

Nepal-India frontiers may be swapped each other to settle the border issue in accordance with Bangladeshi model. Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura frontier of Nepal (372 sq km) has been encroached and occupied by India since 1962. They have established para-military force and Indo-Tibetan border post, after India-China border war. Historical maps and documents depict that this area belongs to Nepal. But India is not willing to go back from this area. The Indians have intensified activities in the Nepali soil occupied by Indians demonstrating their imperialistic and hegemonic character against the neighboring country.

There may be number of reasons that India may not leave that frontier. First, India constructed the road all the way from Pithoragadh to Gunji, Nabidang and Lipulek pass, up to Chinese frontier. Indian defense minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated 80 km long road virtually on May 8, 2020. It is pity Nepal did not protest mentioning that it is beyond the international norms to make constructions in the disputed area unilaterally.

Second, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Gunji in the Byas Rural Municipality of the Darchula District on October 12, 2023. Gunji is a Nepali village in the Kalapani territory encroached by India. Modi offered prayers at the Parvati Kunda near Gunji and paid far off homage of Adikailash located at Chinese frontier. It was along with a planned interaction program with local residents from Pithoragarh and Gunji. This visit raises questions as to why Modi visited this disputed area violating the diplomatic norms. The then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had visited Arunachal Pradesh on October 13, 2009 the disputed area between China and India. At that time, China was deeply upset and pleaded that India violated the diplomatic standard, visiting disputed territory without informing China. Nepal could not send objection letter to India regarding Modi’s visit to Gunji, as China had done to India.

Third, India published a new map on November 4, 2019 incorporating the Limpiyadhura- Kalapani-Lipulek area of Nepal. Nepal sent five diplomatic notes to India to talk on this issue.
But India ignored and did not respond. Nepal did not venture to step forward for international help.

Fourth, Nepal published Pointed Map (Chuche Naksa) on 20 May 2020. India ignored and had no effect on them. Due to political weakness, Nepal forgot to send it in the United Nations map archive to materialize the international recognition.

Fifth, China did not include Nepal’s new Pointed Map (Chuche Naksa) while publishing the latest standard national map of China on August 28, 2023. It has encouraged India to create strength to continue to encroach our Limpiyadhura frontier. But Nepal’s blunt diplomacy was not able to send a memo with new map to China.

Sixth, while prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal visited India on May 31, 2023, he could not raise the issue of Limpiyadhura. This was a blunder in relation to protect the territorial integrity of Nepal.

Seventh, Dahal had visited China on September 23, 2023. He was not able to spell on the Chuche Map of Nepal which was not included in the new map of China. Even when Nepal’s territorial integrity, national sovereignty and indivisibility have been challenged, Nepalese authorities are unable to speak.

Eighth, Nepal government was reluctant to present a copy of Chuche Naksa to the Untied Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres while he visited Nepal from October 29, 2023.

Had it been given to him as a gift, the territorial integrity of Nepal through Chuche Naksa would spread all over the world. Geo-informatics Division of the UN has an archive of collection of maps of the various countries of the UN member nations. Nepal missed this opportunity to strengthen territorial integrity.

Ninth, Nepal could not enumerate the Nepali citizens dwelling at Gunji, Nabi and Kuti due to Indian obstruction during the national population census conducted in October-November 2021. But with the help of satellite/google images, it could be counted number of houses of that area and total number of people be enumerated virtually. It is notable that 1961 population census had enumerated the people of that area.

Tenth, general election was held on 20 November 2022 to elect the 275 members of the House of Representatives. But the government could not initiate to enroll the people of Gunji area in the voter list. However, they were enrolled as the voters in the first general election- 1959 and casted votes to Nepali Congress party. It could, at least, it was possible to include them in the voters list asking to the citizens of nearby Chhangru village under Byas rural municipality ward-1, as they have kith and kin to Gunji area.

Realizing and visualizing above events and incidents, we have three ways to resolve the border issues. One is to tolerate, second is to go to international affairs, and the next is to negotiate. By nature, Nepalis do not like to fight with the neighbor. If we tolerate for some more period, the neighbour may be convinced and seek for the proper means of settlement. It may be swapping the frontiers.

To swap the lands, the first preference should be swapping of Limpiyadhura area of Nepal with the 23 km width Chicken neck portion of West Bengal Indian land, located between Nepal and Bangladesh. Lipulek, Nabidang, Gunji, Navi, Kuti, Limpiyadhura (north of Lipu river) having 310 square kilometre of Nepali frontier could be exchanged with the Indian land equal in area, located east of Kakarbhitta, Chandragadhi and Kichakbadh of Nepal to Banglabandh Zero Point and Titaliya to touch Bangladesh border. Nepal should retain 62 sq km area south of Lipu River from Lipulek pass to Kalapani near Gunji.

Alternative:

Second alternative may be the Indian land from Gundak (Narayani) River- westward up to Danda, Rapti, Ghaghra River to River Ganges (with Gorakhpur, Deora, Saran and north of Patna). Nepal should get 620 sq km (double of Limpiyadhura area) due to the importance of Nepali frontier. If this portion is negotiated, Nepal will be facilitated to reach to Haldia seaport through Ganga river navigation.

Third alternative may be portion of Baharaich, Srabasti, Gonda of India, located south of Dang, Kapilabastu and Rupandehi districts of Nepal. Fourth option could be portion of East Medinapur, Tamluk and West Medinapur districts of West Bengal, adjoined with the Haldia seaport, Calcutta. This seaport should be used by both Nepal and India. Both the above mentioned items should be 620 sq km each. This is one of the School of Thoughts to resolve the Limpiyadhura issue.

The other School of Thoughts may be: neither a single inch of land should be given to neighbor, nor it should take from them, even there will be blood-shed. This is their own thinking. But the important thing is to resolve the issue amicably. The think-tank must make study, which one is feasible for Nepal to stay in peace, harmony and tranquility.

Lastly:

If the land swapping concept is agreeable for Nepal and India, it needs to make rigorous exercises from both the sides. Nepal has to amend the Constitution to add sub-article C after Article 4. (1) A and B. India has already amended its constitution in 2015 in connection to land swapping with Bangladesh.

Land swapping proposal may seem strange for a certain mind-set group. Some of them will even protest against it. But only a concept is floated here. It is never meant to say that everything should be done like this. If they don’t agree upon it, they must suggest alternate ways and means in view of the other school of thought. The think-tank and experts, on the related subject matter, must suggest to settle the border issue between two countries, so that the relation between Nepal and India will be further strengthened and expanded in the days to come.

India may not be agreeable to swap the land. Because India has gobbled Limpiyadhura. But it is stucked into India’s throat. India is neither able to swallow it, nor he could discharge it out of throat. Now Nepal has to punch on India’s back throat by a a bundle of old maps, so that Limpiyadhura will be discharged from the throat and it runs back into Nepal’s frontier. This is the last alternative to Nepal.

Area of Pointed Map of Nepal is Still Confused

Area of Pointed Map of Nepal is Still Confused

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

‘गएको सरकारले चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकाले वर्तमान सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशन गरेमा उसैको मानमर्यादा बढ्छ’ भनेर देखाइएको राजनीतिक उदासीनता र ‘यो त देशको भौगोलिक अखण्डतासँग गाँसिएको कुरो हो’ भन्नेमा सरकारको बुझाइको कमीका कारण नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरिएको हो ।

नेपाल सरकारले संविधान संशोधन गरी संसद्को पूर्ण बहुमतले पारित गरेर राष्ट्रपतिबाट लालमोहर लगाई २०७७ जेठ ७ गते चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेको थियो । तर नक्सामा चुच्चो परेको भागसहित नेपालको वास्तविक क्षेत्रफल कति हो भनी सरकारी तवरबाट अहिलेसम्म जानकारी गराइएको छैन । विदेशी निकायहरू पनि अन्योलमा रहेको देखिन्छ । वर्ल्ड डाटा इन्फो, विकिपेडिया, गुगल सर्च इन्जिन, वर्ल्ड स्टाटिस्टिक, यूएनडीपी, इसिमोड, ट्रेडिङ इकोनोमिक्स आदिमा भिन्नाभिन्नै क्षेत्रफलहरू उल्लेख गरिएका छन् ।समाजका विभिन्न वर्गले सरकारसँग नयाँ क्षेत्रफल माग गर्दा अहिलेसम्म सरकारी निकायहरू मौन छन् । यसबाट खास गरी लोकसेवा आयोगका परीक्षार्थीहरू तथा विद्यालय–महाविद्यालयका विद्यार्थीहरू रनभुल्लमा परेका छन् । आयोगका परीक्षार्थी तथा विद्यालयका विद्यार्थीहरूलाई नेपालको क्षेत्रफल सम्बन्धमा सोधिएको प्रश्नमा पुरानै क्षेत्रफल १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि उत्तर लेख्दा र अर्कातिर बजारमा चलेका विभिन्न नयाँ क्षेत्रफलसमेत जोडेर लेख्दा त्यसमा अंक नदिने गरिएको छ । यसबाट जागिरका लागि लोकसेवा परीक्षा दिने उम्मेदवारहरू मारमा परेका छन् ।

संवत् २०४३ भन्दा अघिको क्षेत्रफल

चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित भएयता विभिन्न निकायले थरीथरीका क्षेत्रफल उपयोग गरेर आइरहेको जस्तै अवस्था संवत् २०४३ भन्दा अघि पनि थियो । नेत्रबहादुर थापा क्षत्रीद्वारा लिखित ‘नेपालको भूगोल’ (संवत् २०१०) पुस्तकको पृष्ठ २ मा नेपालको क्षेत्रफल ५६,००० वर्गमाइल (१,४५,०४० वर्गकिमि) उल्लेख छ । दार्जिलिङबाट सन् १९४९ मा प्रकाशित पारसमणि प्रधान र नरेन्द्रमणि प्रधानको ‘नेपाली भूगोल’ को पृष्ठ ५५ मा ५६,००० वर्गमाइल; प्रो. एमबहादुर एमएले लेखेको ‘नेपालको भूगोल’ (सन् १९५०) को पृष्ठ १ मा ५४,५०० वर्गमाइल; राष्ट्रिय पुस्तक मण्डल, वीरगन्जबाट प्रकाशित ‘नेपाल का नवीन भूगोल’ (सन् १९५७) मा ५४,००० वर्गमाइल; बीडी सनवलले लेखेको ‘नेपाल एन्ड द इस्ट इन्डिया कम्पनी’ (सन् १९६५) को पृष्ठ ३ मा १,६८,००० वर्गकिमि; सन् १९७६ मा युनिभर्सिटी अफ क्यालिफोर्निया, बर्कलेबाट प्रकाशित महेशचन्द्र रेग्मीद्वारा लिखित ‘ल्यान्ड ओनरसिप इन नेपाल’ शीर्षक अनुसन्धानमूलक मोनोग्राफ पुस्तकमा ५४,३६२ वर्गमाइल (१,४०,७९८ वर्गकिमि) भनी लेखिएको छ । यसरी विभिन्न सामग्रीमा नेपालको क्षेत्रफल १,३९,८६० वर्गकिमिदेखि १,६८,००० वर्गकिमिसम्म उल्लेख भएको पाइन्छ ।

२०४३ देखि २०७७ सम्मको क्षेत्रफल

नेपालको क्षेत्रफललाई लिएर विविध अंक देखिएको र विदेशी परामर्शदाताका प्रतिवेदनहरूमा पनि भिन्नाभिन्नै उल्लेख भएकाले सरकारले आधिकारिक तथ्यांक जनसमुदायसमक्ष ल्याउनुपर्छ भनी उस बेला विकासविज्ञ डा. पीताम्बर शर्माको प्रतिक्रिया गोरखापत्रमा प्रकाशित भएको थियो, जसमा राष्ट्रिय योजना आयोगको पनि नजर परेछ । आयोगका तत्कालीन उपाध्यक्ष मोहनमान सैंजूले आयोगकै सदस्य डा. चन्द्रबहादुर श्रेष्ठलाई सरोकारवाला निकायहरूबीच छलफल गरी क्षेत्रफल यकिन गर्ने अभिभारा दिए ।

डा. श्रेष्ठले नापी विभाग, केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभाग, भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभाग, वन विभाग आदिलाई सम्मिलित गराई २०४३ भदौ–असोजमा तीन पटक बैठक गरे । पहिलो बैठकमा नापी महानिर्देशक अर्जुनबहादुर बस्न्यात र यो पंक्तिकार, केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागबाट महानिर्देशक विश्वराज रेग्मी तथा अन्य निकायका प्रतिनिधिहरू थिए । नापी विभागले देशको क्षेत्रफल १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमि; केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागले १,५३,२६२ वर्गकिमि र भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभागले १,४०,७९७ वर्गकिमि कायम गर्नुपर्छ भनी प्रस्तुति दिए । अन्यले खास क्षेत्रफल यत्ति नै हुनुपर्छ भनेनन् । सबैको भिन्नाभिन्नै अंक भएकाले अर्को बैठकमा यसको आधिकारिक प्रमाण ल्याउन भनियो ।

अर्को बैठकमा नापी योजना शाखा प्रमुखका हैसियतले विभागको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्दै मैले भनें, ‘क्यानेडियन सहायता अन्तर्गत नापीमा सञ्चालन भएको एलआरएमपी प्रोजेक्टबाट सन् १९७८–७९ का दुई सुक्खा मौसममा हवाईजहाजबाट खिचिएका फोटोग्राफहरू फोटोग्रामेट्रिक विधिद्वारा संगणना गर्दा क्यानेडियन परामर्श टोलीले १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमि क्षेत्रफल निकालेको छ ।’ यो क्षेत्रफल उनीहरूले एलआरएमपी इकोनोमिक्स ड्राफ्ट रिपोर्टको पृष्ठ १ मा उल्लेख गरेको भन्दै मैले प्रतिलिपि प्रस्तुत गरें ।

भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभागका प्रतिनिधिले वन संरक्षण विभागका निम्ति यूएसएआईडीले सन् १९६४–६५ मा खिचेको हवाईफोटोका आधारमा क्षेत्रफल १,४०,७९७ वर्गकिमि भएको भन्दै जलस्रोत मन्त्रालय अन्तर्गत जल तथा शक्ति आयोगबाट सन् १९८६ मा प्रकाशित ‘ल्यान्ड युज इन नेपाल विथ इम्फ्यासिस अन फरेस्ट ल्यान्ड युज’ रिपोर्टको पृष्ठ २७ को प्रतिलिपि पनि मैले पेस गरें । केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागले भने तत्कालीन संख्या विभागका चिफ सुपरिन्टेन्डेन्ट थिरबहादुर रायमाझीका पालामा जनगणना प्रयोजनका निम्ति तत्कालीन ३२ जिल्ला अन्तर्गतका थुम, प्रगन्ना, तप्पा, मौजाका आधारमा संवत् २०१५ मा उल्लेख गरिएको वर्गमाइललाई वर्गकिमिमा परिणत गर्दाको क्षेत्रफल १,५३,२६२ वर्गकिमि हुनुपर्ने जिकिर गर्‍यो । यी प्रतिनिधिमूलक तथ्यांक थिए । छलफलका क्रममा डा. श्रेष्ठलेे हवाईफोटोबाट निकालेको नापी विभागको क्षेत्रफल वैज्ञानिक हुने भन्दै यसैलाई अन्तिम क्षेत्रफल मान्न अनुरोध गरे । तर वन विभागका प्रतिनिधिले आनाकानी गरे । त्यसैले बैठकमा क्षेत्रफलको निर्णय हुन सकेन ।

त्यसको लगभग दुई हप्तापछि अर्को बैठक बस्यो । निकै लामो छलफल भयो । तर पनि टुंगो लाग्ने छाँट आएन । डा. चन्द्रबहादुर श्रेष्ठले अलि गम्भीर हुँदै भने, ‘तपाईंहरूलाई एकले प्रस्तुत गर्नुभएको क्षेत्रफल अर्कोलाई मान्न अप्ठेरो पर्‍यो । त्यसैले म एउटा मध्यमार्ग अपनाउँछु, मान्नुहोला ।’ यति भनेर उनले तीन प्रकारका क्षेत्रफलको जोडजम्मा गरे । अनि त्यसको मध्यमान औसत निकालेर क्षेत्रफल १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि हुन्छ भन्दै ‘कृपया, हामी सबै जनाले यसलाई मन्जुर गरौं’ भने । कसैले ‘हुन्छ’ भन्न सकेनन्, ‘हुँदैन’ भन्न पनि सकेनन् । त्यसपछि बैठकको निर्णय माइन्युट लेखियो, सहीछाप गरियो । एक हप्तापछि यसलाई सर्कुलर गरियो । त्यसपछि १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमिलाई राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल मानियो । एक महिनापछि नापी विभागले १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि नेपालको राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल हो भनी डा. पीताम्बर शर्माको प्रतिक्रियाको जवाफ गोरखापत्रको ‘सम्पादकलाई चिठी’ स्तम्भमा प्रकाशित गर्‍यो ।

२०७७ पछिका विविध क्षेत्रफल

सरकारले २०७७ जेठ ७ गते चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित त गर्‍यो, तर त्यसको क्षेत्रफल अहिलेसम्म सार्वजनिक नगरेकाले भद्रगोल देखिएको छ । नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकै दिन कान्तिपुर संवाददाताले यसबारे सोध्दा तत्कालीन भूमि व्यवस्थामन्त्री पद्मा अर्यालले भनेकी थिइन्, ‘नेपालको क्षेत्रफल करिब ३३५ वर्गकिमि बढी भएको छ’ (कान्तिपुर, २०७७ जेठ ८) । केहीपछि उनै संवाददाताको जिज्ञासामा नापी विभागका सम्बन्धित अधिकृतले जानकारी दिएका थिए, ‘प्रोजेक्सन सिस्टमबाट मुलुकको क्षेत्रफल पुनर्मापन गर्दा ८२५ वर्गकिमि बढी आएको छ । कुल क्षेत्रफल अब १,४८,००६ वर्गकिमि हुने प्रस्ताव गरी मन्त्रालयमा पठाइएको छ ।’ (कान्तिपुर, २०७७ कात्तिक १९)

तत्कालीन शिक्षामन्त्री गिरिराजमणि पोखरेलले पाठ्यक्रम विकास समितिबाट प्रकाशित ‘नेपालको भूगोल र सीमा सम्बन्धी स्वाध्याय सामग्री’ पुस्तिका २०७७ भदौ ३० गते विमोचन गर्दै चुच्चे नक्साको बढेको भाग ४६० वर्गकिमिसहित नेपालको क्षेत्रफल १,४७,६४१ वर्गकिमि भएको छ भनेका थिए । यस पंक्तिकारले संवत् २०५९ मा प्रकाशित ‘बोर्डर म्यानेजमेन्ट अफ नेपाल’ पुस्तकको पृष्ठ ९९ मा चुच्चे नक्सा समावेश गरी चुच्चो परेको भागको क्षेत्रफल ३१० वर्गकिमिसहित अतिक्रमित लिम्पियाधुरासम्म ३७२ वर्गकिमि भएको कुरा प्रकाशमा ल्याएको थियो ।

नेपालको क्षेत्रफललाई लिएर विभिन्न अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संस्थाले समेत मनखुसी अंक राखेको पाइन्छ । विकिपेडिया, वर्ल्ड एटलास र गुगल सर्च इन्जिनले १,४७,५१६ वर्गकिमि; वर्ल्ड स्टाटिस्टिक र वर्ल्ड डाटा इन्फोले १,४७,१८०Ù यूएनडीपी र इसिमोडले १,४७,१८१ एवं ट्रेडिङ इकोनोमिक्सले १,४३,३५० वर्गकिमि उल्लेख गरेका छन् ।

चुच्चे नक्साको क्षेत्रफल किन प्रकाशित भएन ?

केही भूगोलवेत्ताको बजारिया भनाइ अनुसार, चुच्चे र बुच्चे नक्साको प्रोजेक्सन भिन्न भएकाले सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरेको हो । अर्कातिर, कार्टोग्राफरले चाहिँ नयाँ नक्सामा ‘ब्लन्ट कार्टोग्राफी’ का कारण ढिलाइ भएको हो भन्ने गरेको बुझिन्छ ।

चुच्चे नक्साअघिसम्म नेपालले युनिभर्सल ट्रान्सभर्सल मर्केटर (यूटीएम) प्रोजेक्सनमा आधारित नक्सा प्रकाशित गर्दै आएको थियो । चुच्चे नक्सामा चाहिँ, नापी विभागले जानकारी दिए अनुसार, ल्याम्बर्ट कोनिकल कन्फर्मल (एलसीसी) प्रोजेक्सन र एभरेस्ट स्फेरोइड १८३० सिस्टम तथा जीआईएस सफ्टवेरका माध्यमबाट क्षेत्रफल मापन गरिएको हो । नक्सा प्रोजेक्सन भनेको गोलाकार पृथ्वीलाई विभिन्न गणितीय विधिद्वारा समतल सतहमा परिवर्तन गरी नक्सा बनाउनु हो ।

यूटीएममा नेपाललाई देशान्तरका हिसाबमा तीन ग्रिड जोनमा विभाजन गरिएको थियो भने एलसीसी प्रोजेक्सनमा पूर्व–पश्चिम लाम्चिएको नेपाललाई एउटै जोन मानिएको छ । देशको क्षेत्रफल संगणना गर्दा यी दुवै प्रोजेक्सन पद्धति अनुसार केही मात्रामा कमीबेसी हुन सक्छ । तर नापी नक्साको सिद्धान्त अनुसार ‘पर्मिसिबल एरर’ भित्र पर्ने हुनाले कुल क्षेत्रफलमा खास उल्लेख्य फरक पर्दैन । कार्टोग्राफिक विधाचाहिँ क्षेत्रफलसँग सम्बन्धित रहँदैन ।

उसो भए किन नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित गरिएन त भन्ने प्रश्न आउन सक्छ । यसको जवाफ हुन सक्छ— ‘गएको सरकारले चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकाले वर्तमान सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशन गरेमा उसैको मानमर्यादा बढ्छ’ भनेर देखाइएको राजनीतिक उदासीनता र ‘यो त देशको भौगोलिक अखण्डतासँग गाँसिएको कुरो हो’ भन्नेमा सरकारको बुझाइको कमीका कारण नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरिएको हो ।

अबको बाटो

कुनै पनि स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रको तोकिएको निश्चित सिमाना हुन्छ । त्यस सिमानाभित्रको जमिनको क्षेत्रफल सर्वमान्य विधिले सरकारले तोकेको हुन्छ । मुलुकको क्षेत्रफलबारे अन्योल रहिरहनु हुँदैन । यसैले अब नापी विभाग अन्तर्गत क्यानेडियन एलआरएमपी आयोजनाले हवाईफोटोको सहायताले प्राविधिक तवरमा संगणना गरेको १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमिमा चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेको दिन नापी विभागको प्राविधिक परिप्रेक्ष्यमा भूमि व्यवस्थामन्त्रीले सञ्चारकर्मीलाई बताएको ३३५ वर्गकिमि जोड्दा हुन आउने १,४७,८१९ वर्गकिमि नेपालको आधिकारिक राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल हो भनी सार्वजनिक गरिए त्यस्तो अन्योल समाप्त हुन्छ ।