Senior Citizen Management in Japan and Prospects for Nepali Caregivers

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

Introduction

Nepal-Japan diplomatic relation was established on September 1, 1956. Notes agreeing to establish diplomatic relations between two countries at the Ambassadorial level were exchanged on September 1, 1956, in New Delhi between Mr. Bharat Raj Rajbhandari, Charge d’ Affairs a.i. of Nepal to India, and H. E. Seijiro Yoshizawa, Ambassador of Japan to India. Since then formal diplomatic relations between Nepal and Japan have always been co-operative and friendly. Both countries are keen to further develop the friendly relations for mutual respect as well as peace and prosperity. Japan is the 7^th among 181 countries in the world that Nepal has established a diplomatic relation.

Relation between two countries have been marked by good will, understanding and co-operation. Japan has been providing assistance for the implementation of various development projects. There are so many JICA funding projects in Nepal. Most of them have been completed. Some are going on without any obstruction and the others are in pipe line. This is a good example of the relation between Nepal and Japan.

The Nepal-Japan relation, based on mutual trust is very cordial. Japan’s government is ahead for its continuous support of Nepal’s social and economic development endeavors. Japan, which is Nepal’s reliable and major donor partner, has achieved tremendous development in science and technology and has an impressive record in economic development sector. Japan’s assistance to infrastructure development, modernization of agro-sector, human resource development, air safety, school reform sector and other socio-economic development programs in Nepal are always commendable.

It is to be noted that people-to-people contact as friendship was started when Ekai Kawaguchi, a Japanese Buddhist monk visited Nepal in 1899; and a group of eight Nepali students went to Japan in 1902 for higher studies. Now the relation is becoming closer and strengthened year after year not only at the government to government level but also in the level of general people.

On the people-to-people relations, Japan Overseas Co-operation Volunteers (JOCV) are working in different districts of Nepal. They stay among the community people mostly speaking the local Nepali language. The first batch of JICA volunteers was dispatched to Nepal during September 1970. As of June 2021, a total of 1436 volunteers have worked in Nepal. They are providing their rich experiences at the grass-root level for Nepal’s nation-building endeavor through the ‘Learning by Doing’ approach. They are working and teaching practically and transferring knowledge and skills to the Nepalis in the fields of agriculture, horticulture, fisheries, forestry, community development, youth social activities, civil engineering, environment protection, sanitation, health, education and culture.[i] A total of 1,437 JOCVs worked in various districts of Nepal till this year.

Japan opened up its labour market to Nepalese as specified skilled workers in March 2019 after the two countries signed a memorandum of cooperation to send Nepali workers with the status of residence. A number of Nepali youths are working in Japan in the sector of hotel management, agriculture, beverage, and the food service industry, nursing care and also as restaurant workers, domestic workers, and above all caregivers to the Japanese senior citizens. Such engagement of youth is due to the people-level relations between the two countries. Moreover, there is the prospect to Nepali caregivers in Japan as workers for the services of Japanese senior citizens.

Senior Citizen

A senior citizen defined by the United Nations is an older person who is over 60 years of age. Some countries have accepted the chronological age of 65 as a definition of ‘elderly or aged or older person’ especially one who is retired from work. But this does not adapt well across different countries. Citing the United Nations Population Division, the World Economic Forum has mentioned that the number of people aged 65 and older is expected to double over the next three decades, reaching 1.6 billion in 2050. Old age ideally represents a time of relaxation of social obligations, assisting with the family farm or business without carrying the main responsibility, socializing, and receiving respectful care from family and esteemed caregivers from the community.

So far as the senior citizens of some of the countries is concerned, proportion stands Japan has 29 percent of the total population as the first rank in the world and Italy 23, Finland, Portugal, and Greece have 22 percent of the total population ranking second and third respectively.

In Nepal, according to the Senior Citizens Act, of 2006, a Senior Citizen implies a citizen of Nepal having completed the age of 60 years. Senior citizens symbolize the enhancement of trust, respect, and good faith towards them by utilizing their knowledge, skills, capability, and experiences inherent in them. A number of senior citizens in Nepal, over 60 years of age, is 2 million, almost 9 percent of the country’s total population of around 30 million. The proportion of older people is expected to double to 19 percent in 2050 with 36 million people aged over 60.[i]

Senior Citizen Day

Senior Citizen Day is observed on different dates in various countries. The United Nations observes the Senior Citizens’ Day on 1^st October every year, as the International Day of Older People. On December 14, 1990, the United Nations General Assembly voted to establish October 1^st as the International Day of Older People. The holiday was observed for the first time on October 1, 1991 in different countries in the world including Nepal. The day was celebrated to recognize the issues that an elderly individual faces in old age.

Apart from the Senior Citizens’ Day, the World Senior Citizen’s Day is celebrated on the 21^st of August each year. The history of the World Senior Citizen’s Day dates back to 1988. It was officially founded by the former President of the United States of America, Ronald Reagan. He signed on August 19, 1988, the promulgation, which appeared on 21 August as the National Day of the Third Age. Ronald Reagan was the first to announce the first National Day of the Third Age.[ii]

The day is intended to increase awareness of the factors and issues that affect older citizens, such as health deterioration and elder abuse. It is also a day to recognize and acknowledge the contributions of older people to society. The day provides an opportunity to show appreciation for their dedication, accomplishments, and services they gave throughout their lives.

Senior citizens are the pioneers of science, medicine, psychology, civil rights and so much more. Their valuable contributions to the communities create better places to live. They deserve respect and dignity for their achievements earned by them. The day encourages supporting senior citizens to live their lives to the fullest and as independently as possible.

In Japan, senior citizens day is annually observed on the third Monday in September every year, usually 18^th of September. Japan is known to be the country of long-living people. Elderly people are respected there and they even have their public holiday, which is known as Respect for the Aged Day.

In Nepal, the National Senior Citizens Day is observed on 1^st October every year, at the call of the United Nations as the International Day of Older Persons. It is celebrated in commemoration of the day when the state started distributing social security allowance to senior citizens. The Nepal government started distributing social security allowance to senior citizens on 26 December 1994.

Caregivers

A caregiver is someone who regularly looks after people who struggle in daily activities, such as a child, the elderly, the disabled, or sick people. Caregivers can be family members, friends, neighbors, or paid professionals. The caregiver is a non-medical professional who assists an elderly person in a way that allows them to live independently or in their own home as far as possible. A caregiver’s main goal is to allow an elderly person to ‘age in place’ safely and with a sense of independence.

The duties of a caretaker range from assisting with hygiene to meal preparation, and daily living tasks that an elder needs which the caregiver can provide his best and efficient services. A caregiver is there to ensure that the senior or older person is safe while moving around their home or even outside, helping them avoid injury. These caregivers can also help to move those who are less mobile, such as assisting someone with moving from a wheelchair to the toilet. A personal caregiver can assist with meal preparation, ensuring that the food the older person eats is nutritious and healthy and that sticks to a diet recommended by a doctor.

A caregiver also offers basic cleaning and repair skills. They help to wash the dishes, unclog toilets, dust, and do the laundry. One of the other important roles a caregiver serves is as a companion. Caregivers should offer friendly conversation and can help him do the things he loves, He may take seniors to social events, and doctor appointments or run errands, such as shopping for groceries. It means that seniors can more fully enjoy their lives while living at home with the caretakers.

In short, the duties and responsibilities of a caregiver are the following:

• Grocery shopping and cooking food.
• Feeding and helping the patients to take medicine.
• Assisting patients with personal hygiene (bathing, showering, toileting, cleaning etc.).
• Assisting patients with physical therapy exercises
• Medication management with monitoring patient’s medical charts and health condition.
• Reporting incidents and scheduling appointments.
• Helping patients for mobility with transportation.
• Doing light household chores.
• Being a pleasant companionship, grooming and skill in advocacy.
• Senior Citizen Management in Japan

As mentioned before, Japan consistently has the oldest population in the world with significantly more people over the age of 65. According to the latest national data, more than one in ten people in Japan are now aged 80 or older. The country consistently rates as having the world’s oldest population. Almost a third of its population is over 65. Japan is getting ever greyer. And there are more people than ever blowing out 100 birthday candles.

National data also shows of the 125 million population is aged 65 or older that proportion stands at 29 percent in Japan. The United Nations says Japan has the world’s oldest population, measured by the proportion of people aged 65 or above.At the same time,Japan has one of the lowest birth rates in the world and has long struggled with how to manage its ageing senior citizen population.

Japan is aging faster than any other country in the world. The national pension system is under immense pressure to sustain a growing number of elderly, while the number of people contributing to the system dwindles. As of 2020, the number of Japanese over 65 years reached a record high of 36 million, or 29 percent of the total population of 125 million. According to Japan National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, this figure is twice as high as it was 25 years ago, and it’s expected to increase to 35 percent by 2040. It boasts one of the highest life expectancies in the world, with women at 87 years and men at 81.[iii] In principle, the retirement age is 65, but the employment rate among Japanese seniors is the second highest in the world, behind only South Korea.

Japan is currently facing a significant challenge with its growing elderly population and declining childbirth rates. This demographic shift has led to the decline of extended families, resulting in a demand for caretakers in the Japanese market. A team of Japanese experts recently discussed the shortage of human resources and the increasing elderly population, highlighting the opportunities for some countries of south-east and south Asian nationals including Nepalis to address the human resource crisis in Japan.

There are no extended families in Japan anymore, and the childbirth rate is very low. Japan is experiencing a lacking to take care of the elderly population. With the decreasing childbirth in the country, the population has decreased in Japan. Currently, there are 5 million households in Japan, and about 20 percent of them are families of the elderly population. Unfortunately, the Japanese tradition of extended families has now ended, and the active working population is becoming low.

For elderly patients, medical doctors often recommend physiotherapy treatments in hospitals. However, some patients prefer to stay at home, and they cannot be left alone without proper care. This has created a significant need for caretakers to assist these patients in their daily activities. Against this backdrop, it needs efficient management of senior citizens in Japan.

Demand for Caregivers

Japan government had decided to recruit workers from various Asian countries such as Nepal, China, Indonesia, Mongolia, Myanmar, Thailand, Philippines, and Vietnam after it experienced a shortfall in labour supply. According to the reports, Japan plans to employ 345,000 foreign workers in its 14 industrial areas.

As Japanese grow older, caregivers are becoming an increasingly fundamental part of the family system. Caregivers help them adjust to the challenges and limitations that accompany the aging process. Caregivers help seniors to cope with the challenges of aging. They provide seniors with the physical and emotional support they need in order to live safely and comfortably. Working day-to-day with their clients, caregiver is an indispensable link in a chain connecting seniors to healthcare organizations and the wider community.

The impact of caregivers is far-reaching, and often transformative to the lives of those in their care. For patients recovering from illness or accident, the presence of a caregiver can help them regain their strength and vigor in an astoundingly short period of time, enabling them to live independently on their own terms.

Caretakers offer seniors regular companionship as well. Many seniors live alone and can go for days without talking to anyone. The loneliness that they experience can have serious health consequences. This can range from a risk of depression, dementia, and anxiety to a wide range of physical ailments. Loneliness has been shown to shorten a person’s lifespan.

Having a caregiver come to visit each day has a remarkably positive impact on seniors. Companionship enriches a person’s life, keeping their minds sharp and their hearts full. Even something simple as a casual conversation or playing a card game affords seniors a sense of belonging. This can help them to live happier, longer lives, and be more independent. In this perspective, Ichiro Kiryu, CEO of Human-I, a placement company in Japan said ‘Demand for caregivers is high globally, Japan alone will require 700,000 caregivers by 2028’.[iv]

Requisite to be a caregiver

A caregiver should be 18 years old or older. He has to pass the test and interview as enunciated by the Japanese skill minimum JLPT N4 (equivalent to J.TEST of Practical Japanese level E or Japanese Language NAT-TEST level 4). Presently, citizens of partner countries (Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, India, Indonesia, Laos, Pakistan, Peru, The Philippines, Myanmar, Mongolia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam) are the caregivers in Japan.

To apply for the visa in Japan under this scheme, one must pass the Japanese language test. The test can be taken after completing three months of language classes at any recognized language institution in Nepal. Anyone willing to apply for the caretaker position, can sit for the test, which includes fundamental questions about caretaking. The application process is free of cost, and the air ticket will also be provided without any charge. Once selected, he can work in Japan for eight hours per day and earn almost NRs 2 Lakh per month, along with access to insurance facilities. Japan offers a minimum of a five-year contract, and the visa should be renewed every year. Also, the applicants can take a certificate within five years of their tenure and then apply for permanent residence in Japan.

Learning the Japanese language is the first thing one needs to work in Japan. Most people go to Japanese language school before they start work in Japan. Language schools offer a variety of courses, differing in length and purpose. They usually educate not only Japanese language but also Japanese culture, customs, and professional ethics.[v]

Nurses could be the caregivers in Japan. They need to clear an examination in Japan to become certified nurses. Those who happen to be licensed nurses in their country can get as much as NRs. 225,000 per month as basic salary, depending on the company. The workers are also provided with a bonus twice a year, besides an allowance from the government and pay rise every year. After working for three years and a six-month long training, the caregiver can sit for an examination to become certified nurses. The company bears the cost for workers to appear in such examinations.

According to Ichiro Kiryu, chief executive officer at Human-I, a placement company in Japan, the specified skilled workers can work in Japan for as long as five years. The Japanese authorities plan to allow the caregivers to apply for permanent residency in the country after working for five years and becoming certified nurses,[vi]

 Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security has given the responsibility to JICA Alumni Association of Nepal (JAAN) since 2010 AD to conduct the Japanese Language and Culture Test Examination to the trainees/participants of Japan International Training Co-operation Organization (JITCO), before sending them to Japan through different manpower agencies. Only those trainees who succeed in this examination are allowed to go and work in Japan. This is a great recognition of the Government of Nepal to JAAN for assigning this important responsibility to the JAAN. From February 2022 to January 2023, the JAAN took the examination 77 times for more than 1,200  participants attended from various companies and agencies.

Salary of caregivers

Caregivers typically get JPY 120,000 to JPY 185,000 monthly, depending on his or her qualifications, company, and location. Caregivers with Technical Intern Training Program (TITP) receive the lowest salary as they usually have little experience and no certificates.

The salary can differ each month. A caregiver’s salary consists of the basic wage, night shift, overtime, monthly bonus, transportation fee, and other additions. They will receive much higher pay if they work the night shift often. Just like any other job, caregivers also receive yearly salary rise. Getting the Certified Caregiver License will increase the salary too. Some companies provide learning allowances and improvement allowances for caregivers as well.

Caregivers to Japan from Nepal

Japan, renowned for its high elderly population, is eying to employ Nepali workers to fill the labour shortage in the caregiving sector. Makoto Ishii, president and Chief Executive Officer at Nihon Care Quality, which runs 18 group homes and two private retirement homes, said that over the years, the number of youths interested in working in the caregiving sector has declined in Japan. So it needs to hire caregivers from friendly countries. Nepal is a prominent country among others especially for the service of caregivers, though Japan has been expected to recruit Nepalis in 14 sectors, including caregivers.

There were 97,109 Nepali citizens living in Japan in all sectors by the end of 2021, making up the sixth-largest foreign resident group after those from China, Vietnam, South Korea, the Philippines and Brazil, according to Japan’s Immigration Services Agency. With a 1.2% year-on-year increase, the Nepalese group was only one among the top 10 that posted a rise amid the COVID pandemic.

Due to these factors, there has been a wide demand for caretakers in Japan. Having observed the qualities of Nepali caregivers, one can say that Nepalis are smart, dedicated, and honest in their work. Because of these attributes, Japan has been actively seeking to recruit Nepali caregivers in their care taking institutions including health and nursing services.

Japanese elder people prefer Nepalis because Nepali caretakers are honest and simple, so there is a demand for Nepali human resources in Japan. It is noticed that Nepalis are close to the pronunciation of the Japanese language, which is crucial for effective communication in elderly care. Nepalis are smart in developing these communication skills.

Nepalis have demonstrated better skills, and they are easy to teach. Once they receive proper training, it significantly make easy their work and enhances their abilities. With their inherent skills and the added benefits of training, Japanese have full confidence that Nepali caregivers can excel in their roles and achieve remarkable outcomes. Number of Nepalis working in social caregiver and nursing services in Japan has been estimated as 813 in 2021.

Conclusion

Number of aging citizens are increasing year after year in Japan. On the other side of the coin, the birth rate is decreasing simultaneously. At the same time, the traditional extended family system is declining. Japanese young boys want to be separated from their parents after marriage. They prefer their independent life. They don’t prefer to take care of their elderly parents and old grand-parents, because they have to work and look after their children. So there is a shortage of care takers for the elderly people. In this scenario, it’s becoming a problem for the management of senior citizens’ daily lives. To avoid this type of hindrance, Japan is compelled to hire caregivers from friendly countries to take care of their senior citizens.

Japanese senior citizens or elderly people prefer Nepali caregivers and nurses. It is a prospect for the Nepali workers in Japan. Nepalis are known to be sober, gentle, dutiful and obedient by nature.Thus it isa great prospects to Nepali workers to provide the services for the elderly people of Japan. However, at the same time, it is also a challenge to provide services in accordance to the Japanese sentiment, traditional behaviour, culture and customary circumstances. Therefore, Nepali caregivers must win the mind of kind hearted Japanese elderly people, providing efficient services to make them always happy.. If the caregivers make them cheerful, they may give tips and extra benefits. So, the Nepalis must work in Japan to maintain the identity of Nepal and the people. (3674 Words)

End Notes

[1] 50^th Anniversary (1970-2020) JOCV in Nepal Bulletin

[1]https://tradingeconomics.com/nepal/population-ages-65-and-above-percent-of-total-wb-data.html

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Senior_Citizen%27s_Day

[1] https://thediplomat.com/2023/01/surviving-old-age-is-getting-harder-in-japan/

[1] https://tkpo.st/3sC7MnN

[1] https://kathmandupost.com/money/2023/05/22/japan-s-caregiving-sector-eyes-workers-from-nepal

[1]https://kathmandupost.com/money/2023/05/22/japan-s-caregiving-sector-eyes-workers-from-nepal

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[i]https://tradingeconomics.com/nepal/population-ages-65-and-above-percent-of-total-wb-data.html

[ii] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Senior_Citizen%27s_Day

[iii] https://thediplomat.com/2023/01/surviving-old-age-is-getting-harder-in-japan/

[iv] https://tkpo.st/3sC7MnN

[v] https://kathmandupost.com/money/2023/05/22/japan-s-caregiving-sector-eyes-workers-from-nepal

[vi]https://kathmandupost.com/money/2023/05/22/japan-s-caregiving-sector-eyes-workers-from-nepal

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Prithvi Narayan’s statement on security concern

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

Diplomatic interference in security matters should not be allowed for the purpose of

serving certain interests of neighboring countries.

Prithvi Narayan Shah’s name cannot be missed when it comes to the security strategy adopted by Nepal since historical times. Regarding security concerns, he said, “Keep the fort intact in view of the nationality and keep the obstructions on the road for the enemy.” It has not to attack but if some attacks, it has to fight utmost to push the enemy beyond the border It will result to take care of up to the Shri Ganga River border,

Accordingly, forts must built at the main entry points like Sindhuligadhi, Rasuwagadhi, Jitpurgadhi and Makawanpurgadhi. In the context of the Nepal-British border war, the British army could not enter the north, as many soldiers of Captain Kinlock’s army who were about to ascend towards Sindhuligadhi were killed by the troops deployed at Sindhuligadhi fort.

That was also the reason Tibetan forces could not move towards Nepal from Rasuwagadhi during the Nepal-Tibet War. Reading Prithvi Narayan’s statement, it can be understood that even at present time, security forces should be deployed on the borders of the nation. But Prithvi Narayan’s statement has not been followed, so that the southern border line has not been protected, due to which border encroachment, disputes, conflicts, claims and counter-claims have taken place time to time in more than 71 places at Nepali frontier.

Border Management and Peace & Security

On the issue of the management of the country’s border management system and the peace and security of the people, Prithvi Narayan has said, ” It has to build a concrete fort, install the rolling cannon on the border crossing forts, making an iron door behind the door as much as possible. If it is done, even though all the four kings come up, they cannot do anything to our nation.  The intention of this adage is that the British are very clever race, they can come into our country in a deceitful way without fighting. So it can be stopped them by building forts at the right places by looking at the strategic spots.

Accordingly, iron cannons and bomb shells should be placed in the fort of the hill like Sindhuli by making a fort with high wall. Four Bhanjyangs (passes) (Sanga Bhanjyang, Thankot Bad Bhanjyang, Kaule Ranipauwa Bhanjyang and Lele Chandragiri Bhanjyang) around the valley of Kathmandu are designated as entry points to the capital of the country. Even today, there are police stations in these areas and they are considered sensitive in terms of peace and security. In case of any criminal incident within the Valley occurs, strict checks should be carried out at these checkpoints. It may be recalled that the Thankot security check-post team had arrested six Indians, including Brajesh Pratap Singh, brother of Uttar Pradesh Minister for Food and Logistics Surendra Bikram Singh, and two Indian security officers with a SMG gun and a pistol, a few years ago and they handed over to the Indian Embassy, Kathmandu. This proves, how meaningful is the divine saying of Prithvi Narayan even these days !

Regarding the Nepali army, Prithvi Narayan said, “Soldiers must be sharpened with timely training. The smartly sharpened armymen should not incline into anyone’s interest.  The armymen with national interest can perform his duty that could be fulfilled on the interest of the nation. Accordingly, present day Nepali Army has been conducting various training and military academic courses to keep its military forces smart, sharp and educated. For example, Army Command and Staff College at Shivapuri in Kathmandu, Nepali Army War College in Nagarkot and Military Intelligence School at Laptandanda in Kharipati of Bhaktapur have been established and conducting various courses. Training has also been arranged at the regional level.

Soldiers, who have not completed an educational course or training to sharpen their warfare activities, are not promoted to higher post. The Armed Police Force (APF) has been deployed at nine border observation posts (BOP) on the Chinese frontier and 243 (BOPs) on the Indian side for the border security of Nepal. In order to equip them for the border security, arrangements have been made to provide various educational courses, panel discussions and trainings at the Armed Police Command and Staff College at Matatirtha, Kathmandu. This also shows that the security concerns of the Prithvi Narayan period are still relevant today, in relation to sharpen the security forces and personnel.

On the other hand, it can be said, in the present era of rockets and missiles, what is the meaning of keeping cannons with bomb balls in our forts on the ground ? However, foreign and domestic tourists are coming to see such historical mythological objects located in Rasuwagadhi and Sindhuligadhi which were used during the Nepal-Tibet and British-Grukha wars. The number of tourists, who come to visit these historical equipment, could be increased, if the conservation and maintenance of the strategic equipments within such forts and fortress can be managed properly in a modern way.

According to Prithvi Narayan’s statement, if Sindhuligadhi and Makawanpurgadhi forts would have been decorated in a modern way, the glimpse of that historical time does not die. If it is done so, the Provincial Government would be able to earn some amount of revenue income from the entry fee paid by the domestic and foreign tourists/visitors.

Government’s security concerns

The then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, while inaugurating a two-day programme at the Nepali Army Headquarter two years ago, had said that the Nepali Army should move forward to face the common challenge of national security. The Nepali Army has taken that responsibility by adopting appropriate strategies by analyzing the situation of international, regional and national security. He also reminded the Army to be ready for timely defence. On that occasion, Chief of Army Staff General Prabhuram Sharma said, the Nepali Army has been carrying out continuous study, monitoring and supervision to maintain national security and its stability.

Celestial Border Security

Last year, the Border Monitoring and Survey Directorate of the Nepali Army had organized a two-day seminar on ‘International Border Security and Management’ at the army headquarter. At the conclusion programme of the seminar, Chief of Army Staff General Prabhuram Sharma stressed the need for controlling and regulating the Nepal-India open border in the context of security; and it needs fencing the frontier. ‘Due to the strategies in the sky, there is a positive or negative effect on the security of the country. We should also study the sky-border and equip the Nepali Army with necessary equipment for this purpose. It is commendable that the army has a constitutional obligation to protect territorial integrity in case other security agencies fail to do so.’

conclusion

Any nation must formulate a security policy to cope external and internal challenges. The country should move ahead on the path of development and prosperity by maintaining peace and tranquility while minimizing and facing all kinds of security threats. Today’s security policy should address the threat not only from the land, but also from the celestial border. Nowadays, it is customary to monitor peace and security through modern Drone equipment.

The security challenge for Nepal is the border management, border disputes, especially with neighboring countries. It should be careful not to allow unwanted elements to use Nepali land against neighbouring countries. Diplomatic interference in security matters should not be allowed for the purpose of serving certain interests of neighboring countries. Special attention should be paid to address such risks by studying and researching the security arrangements adopted by Nepal in the past and the threats posed by its shortcomings.

We should be able to take serious steps on time regarding the security threats. Security agencies, including the Nepali Army, should be prepared to protect the country’s territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty and independence so that the state can face it, if necessary. In this context, while formulating the security policy even in these days, the military activities since the time of Prithvi Narayan Shah should be analyzed and considered.

Let us Remember the Oversight Martyrs

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

ओझेलमा परेका सहिदलाई सम्झौं

बुद्धिनारायण श्रेष्ठ

सहिद दिवस मनाउँदै गर्दा राष्ट्रका लागि आत्मबलिदान दिने

ओझेलमा परेका सहिदलाई पनि हामीले सम्झनुपर्छ

देशमा प्रजातन्त्र ल्याउन सहिदहरूको ठूलो योगदान छ । नेपालमा अक्सर चार सहिद गंगालाल, दशरथ चन्द, धर्मभक्त र शुक्रराज शास्त्रीको नाम लिइन्छ । उनीहरूबाहेक ओझेलमा परेका अन्य सहिदको नाम स्कुल कलेजका विद्यार्थी तथा सामान्य जनलाई कमै मात्रामा थाहा छ । यस्ता ओझेलमा परेका लखन थापा मगर, चिनियाँलाल सिंह, भीमदत्त पन्त, दुर्गानन्द झा तथा अन्य थुप्रै सहिद छन् । जिउँदो सहिदका रूपमा चिनिने टंकप्रसाद आचार्य र रामहरि शर्मा हुन् ।

उहाँहरूसँगै राणाशासनविरोधी अभियोगमा परेका चिनियाँलाल सिंह, गोविन्दप्रसाद उपाध्याय, चूडाप्रसाद शर्मा, सिद्धिचरण श्रेष्ठ, धर्मरत्न यमी, गणेशमान सिंह, हरिकृष्ण श्रेष्ठ, पुष्करनाथ उप्रेती, फत्तेबहादुर सिंह, बलबहादुर पाण्डे, पण्डित मुरलीधरलगायतलाई जन्मकैदसहित सर्वस्वहरणको सजाय भएको थियो । जनमानसमा जानकारी नपु¥याइएकाले यिनको चर्चा ओझेलमा परेको छ । यस्ता ओझेलमा परेका सहिदमध्ये चिनियाँलाल सिंहको नाम अग्रभागमै आउँछ । लखन थापा मगर पहिलो सहिदका रूपमा चिनिन्छन् । उनीहरूको योगदानलाई पनि स्मरण गर्नु र प्रकाश पार्नु आवश्यक हुन्छ ।

चार सहिद :  नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक इतिहासमा चार अमर सहिदले जहानियाँ राणाशासनको अत्याचारविरुद्ध आवाज उठाएका थिए । राणाशासनको विरोध गरेको अभियोगमा शुक्रराज शास्त्रीलाई १९९५ मंसिर १३ गते पक्राउ गरी १९९७ माघ १० गते टेकु पचलीस्थित खरीको बोटमा झुन्ड्याएर मारियो । धर्मभक्त माथेमालाई १९९७ कात्तिक २ मा पक्राउ गरी माघ १२ गते सिफलमा बकाइनाको रुखमा झुन्ड्याइयो ।

दशरथ चन्द र गंगालाल श्रेष्ठलाई पनि त्यसै दिन पक्राउ गरी नरशमशेर राणाले दुवैलाई शोभा भगवतीको दुई लठ्ठामा बाँधी गोली हानेर माघ १४ गते मृत्युदण्ड दिइयो । शुक्रराज, दशरथ चन्द र धर्मभक्तलाई राजद्रोहको अभियोगमा र गंगालाललाई टुँडीखेलको खरिबोट खुलामञ्चमा राणाशासन मुर्दावाद भनी भाषण गरेको अभियोगमा पक्राउ गरी मारिएको थियो । यी चारै सहिदको सम्झनामा प्रत्येक वर्ष सहिद सप्ताहका समयमा उनीहरूलाई जहाँ झुन्ड्याइएको र गोली हानिएको थियो, त्यसै स्थानमा काठमाडौं महानगरपालिकाले कार्यक्रम गर्ने गरेको छ ।

पहिलो सहिद लखन थापा मगर :  नेपालका प्रथम सहिद लखन थापा मगरको जन्म संवत् १८९१ मा हालको गोरखा जिल्ला सहिद लखन गाउँपालिका वडा नं. ७ स्थित काहुले भन्ज्याङमा भएको थियो । आफ्नो देशको राष्ट्रियता, स्वाभिमान, स्वतन्त्रतालाई जोगाउने र तिनको संरक्षण तथा संवद्र्धन गर्ने लखनको उत्कट इच्छा थियो ।

मातृभूमिप्रति बफादार भई राष्ट्रका लागि मरिमेट्ने अभिलाषा उनको हृदयमा थियो । सामान्य ज्ञानका जानकारदेखि इतिहासकारले सर्वमान्य रूपमा नेपालका प्रथम सहिद लखन थापा मगर हुन् भन्ने गरेका छन् । यिनले राणाशासनको पहिलोचोटि जनस्तरबाट विरोध गरेका थिए, त्यो पनि जंगबहादुरकै पालामा । १९३३ फागुन २ गते जंगबहादुरको आदेशमा त्रूmरतापूर्वक मनकामना मन्दिरअगाडिको रुखमा उनलाई झुन्ड्याइएको थियो । उनले नेपालको राजनीतिक इतिहासमा पहिलो जनविद्रोहीको स्थान ओगटेका छन् ।

प्रधानमन्त्री पुष्पकमल दाहालले यही १ माघको माघी पर्वका अवसरमा मगर समुदायले काठमाडौं टुँडीखेलमा आयोजना गरेको चाडपर्व समारोहलाई सम्बोधन गर्दैे भनेका छन्, ‘निरंकुशताविरुद्ध गरेको संघर्षका लागि सहिद लखन थापालाई राष्ट्रिय वीर घोषणा गर्ने पहल गर्न सरकार सकारात्मक छ । यसबाट निरंकुशता तथा अधिनायकवादविरुद्ध लड्ने र नेपालमा लोकतन्त्र ल्याउन जीवन बलिदान दिने सबै सहिदलाई मात्र नभई देशका क्रान्तिकारी आन्दोलन र राजनीतिक योद्धालाई पनि सम्मान पुग्नेछ ।’ सहिद लखन थापाको सम्झनामा लखन थापा स्मृति प्रतिष्ठानले वेलाबखत कार्यक्रम गर्ने गरेको छ । 

शिक्षा प्रचारक चिनियाँलाल सिंह : १९९७ कात्तिक २ गते चिनियाँलाल सिंहलाई पनि गंगालाल तथा दशरथ चन्दका साथमा पक्राउ गरिएको थियो । सिंहलाई सिंहदरबार क्याम्पमा यातना दिएर थुनियो । चिनियाँलाल सिंहलाई आजीवन कारावास र सर्वस्वहरणको सजाय दिइयो । उनलाई भद्रगोल जेलमा थुनियो । 

सहिद चिनियाँलाल सिंहलाई जेलको अस्वस्थकर वातावरणका कारण रोग लाग्यो, टाउको असाध्यै दुख्ने, आँखा राताराता हुने, ज्वरो आउने समस्या भयो । डाक्टरले जाँच गर्दा उनलाई विषम ज्वरो (टाइफाइड) भएको शंका गरे । औषधिमूलो गर्न दिइएन । रोगले झन्झन् च्याप्यो । बाहिर रहेका परिवारका नाता तथा अन्य व्यक्तिहरूको पहलमा राणाहरूले २००१ असार २६ गते बल्लतल्ल जेलबाहिर लैजाने इजाजत दिए । तर, सिंह अन्तिम अवस्थामा पुगिसकेका रहेछन् । उपचार गर्ने कुरै रहेन । त्यसैले जेलबाट सीधै कालमोचन घाटतर्फ लगियो । घाटे वैद्यले बचाउन सकेनन् । ४–५ घन्टापछि ३८ वर्षको अल्पायुमै सिंहको निधन भयो । उनको जन्म १९६३ असार १७ गते बांगेमुढा खिउँल टोलमा भएको थियो। 

सिंहले संवत् १९९३ को महाशिवरात्रिका दिन बांगेमुढाको आफ्नै घरमा महावीर इन्स्टिच्युट शैक्षिक विद्यालयका रूपमा विधिवत् स्थापना गरेका थिए । सरकारीस्तरको दरबार स्कुलपछि निजी क्षेत्रको देशको दोस्रो विद्यालयका रूपमा यो संस्था स्थापना गरिएको थियो । सुरुमा सहिद चिनियाँलाल सिंहले टोलका चिनेजानेका छरछिमेकका इष्टमित्र १० जना केटालाई घरमा जम्मा गरेर पढाउने गर्थे । 

यस संस्थाको उद्देश्य नेपालमा शिक्षाको ज्योति जगाउने, नेपाली जनतालाई जागरुक बनाउने, जनताको हकअधिकारबारे जनचेतना जगाउने तथा सामन्ती व्यवस्थामा जकडिएको समाजलाई उद्धार गर्ने र निरंकुशतालाई समाप्त पार्ने रहेको थियो । इन्स्टिच्युटका शिक्षकमध्ये सहिद गंगालाल, धर्मभक्त माथेमा, पूर्णबहादुर एम्ए, चन्द्रप्रसाद प्रधान, हरिभक्त श्रेष्ठ, बद्रीप्रसाद उपाध्याय, मधुसुदन देवकोटा, युगकवि सिद्धिचरण श्रेष्ठ, खड्गमान मल्ल, बुद्धिप्रसाद शर्मा आदि थिए ।

विद्यार्थीमध्ये पुष्पलाल श्रेष्ठ, माणिकलाल श्रेष्ठ, प्रयागराज जोशी, ईश्वरीमान श्रेष्ठ, प्रभुनरसिंह राणा, जानकीप्रसाद प्रधान, जीवनलाल सत्याल, भुवनलाल जोशी, चितरञ्जन नेपाली, ईश्वरलाल श्रेष्ठ, दुर्गालाल श्रेष्ठ, गोपालप्रसाद उपाध्याय आदि थिए ।
सिंहका सन्तति डा. मवि सिंहको संरक्षकत्वमा ‘चिनियाँलाल सिंह उषा सिंह स्मृति प्रतिष्ठान’ स्थापना गरिएको छ । प्रतिष्ठानका तर्फबाट वर्षमा पाँच कार्यक्रम गर्ने गरिएको छ । केही महिनाअघि नेपालका अमर सहिदहरू समेटी ६० लेखकद्वारा लिखित चार सय पृष्ठको ‘सहिद स्मृति ग्रन्थ’ नामक पुस्तिका प्रकाशित गरिएको छ । 

जिउँदो सहिद : टंकप्रसाद आचार्य र रामहरि शर्मा जिउँदो सहिदका रूपमा चिनिन्छन् । राणाशासनविरोधी अभियोगमा पक्राउ परेका चार सहिद हत्या गरिएको वेला उहाँहरूसँगै टंकप्रसाद आचार्य र रामहरि शर्मालाई ब्राह्मण भएकाले चारपाटा मुडेर जातच्युत गरी सर्वस्वहरणसहित मृत्युदण्डसमानको जन्मकैदको सजाय दिइएको थियो । नेपालमा प्रजातन्त्र आई राणाशासन फालिएपछि उनीहरू जेलबाट छुटेका थिए । यसरी मृत्युदण्डबाट जोगिएका हुनाले उनीहरूलाई ज्युँदो सहिद भनिएको थियो । 

आचार्यको जन्म १९६९ मंसिर १७ गते भएको र मृत्यु २०४९ वैशाख ११ मा भएको थियोे । उनी प्रजातन्त्रवादी नेता, नेपालको जेठो राजनीतिक पार्टी नेपाल प्रजा परिषद्का संस्थापक अध्यक्ष एवं नेपालका पूर्वप्रधानमन्त्री हुन् । प्रत्येक माघ १० देखि १६ गतेसम्म सहिद सप्ताह र माघ १६ लाई सहिद दिवस मनाउने क्रम उनकै प्रधानमन्त्रीकालमा सुरु भएको थियो । उनकी छोरी डा. मीना आचार्यको संरक्षकत्वमा टंकप्रसाद आचार्य स्मृति प्रतिष्ठान सञ्चालन गरिएको छ ।

प्रतिष्ठानका तर्फबाट वेलाबखत राष्ट्रियता, स्वाधीनता, भौगोलिक अखण्डतासम्बन्धी कार्यक्रम गर्ने गरिएको छ । रामहरि शर्मा १९७३ कात्तिकमा ललितपुरको टौखेल गाउँमा जन्मिएका थिए । ‘हाम्रो देशमा विद्यमान राणाहरूको मनपरीतन्त्र सितिमिती हट्ला जस्तो छैन । यसलाई हटाउन सकियो भने यस ठाउँमा प्रजातान्त्रिक परिपाटीको स्थापना गरेर कानुनद्वारा नै यी सबै तहका सामन्तहरूको अन्त्य गर्न सकिन्छ’ भन्ने उनको अवधारणा थियो । शर्माको मृत्यु २०७४ असोज २४ मा भएको थियो । 

किसान समर्थक भीमदत्त पन्त : भीमदत्त पन्तको जन्म १९८३ मंसिर १० गते डडेल्धुराको अमरगढी नगरपालिका–१० मा भएको थियो । डडेल्धुराको साबिक आलिताल र डोटीको छतिवन गापाको सिमाना गल्लेखमा खाना खाइरहेका वेला नेपाल र भारतका सेनाले घेरा हालेर गोली हानी २०१० साउन १७ गते उनी मारिएका थिए ।

नेपालमा गरिब, दलित, जनजाति तथा किसानलाई संगठित गरी राणाविरोधी आन्दोलनमा समेत भीमदत्तको ठूलो भूमिका थियो । उनको नारा नै थियो– ‘कि त जोत हलो, कि त छोड थलो, होइन भने अब छैन भलो’ तथा ‘जसको जोत उसको पोत, कमैया प्रथा उन्मूलन गरौँ’ जस्ता नारा घन्काउँदै सशक्त रूपमा किसान आन्दोलन गर्ने विद्रोही भीमदत्तले किसानको हकहितमा आवाज उठाएका थिए ।

सहिद भीमदत्त पन्तबारे अन्यत्रको कुरा छोडौँ, उहाँको कर्मथलोका पनि धेरै मानिसलाई थाहा छैन । अहिले कञ्चनपुर महेन्द्रनगर भीमदत्त नगरपालिका–१८ को सालिकमा उनी सीमित छन् । सहिद दिवस मनाउँदै गर्दा राष्ट्रका लागि गहन योगदान दिने ओझेलमा परेका सहिदहरूलाई पनि हामीले सम्झनुपर्छ । 

अत्यमा, तत्कालीन एकतन्त्रीय क्रूर जहानियाँ राणाशासनविरुद्ध सहिदहरूले आफ्नो जिउज्यानको बलिदान नदिएको भए नेपाल अहिलेको अवस्थामा आइपुग्ने थिएन । हामीले बोल्ने, लेख्ने, मनमा लागेको कुरा सुनाउन पाउने थिएनौँ होला । त्यसैले हामीले उनीहरूको बलिदान र योगदानको कदर गर्दै आफूले उनीहरूबारे जानेबुझेका कुरा कत्ति पनि कन्जुस्याइँ नगरी नयाँ पिँढीसमक्ष जानकारी गराउँदै जानुपर्छ ।

राष्ट्रमा प्रजातन्त्र ल्याउन, शिक्षाको ज्योति बाल्न आफ्नो जिउज्यानको पर्वाह नगर्ने प्रकाशमा आएका तथा ओझेलमा परेका र गुमनाम रहेका समस्त अमर सहिदबारे पनि सोधीखोजी गर्दै अध्ययन अनुसन्धान गर्दै गराउँदै उनीहरूको योगदान उजागर गर्नुपर्छ । सरकारले ओझेलमा परेका सहिदहरूकोे पनि कदर गर्दै उनीहरूको योगदान प्रकाशमा ल्याउनुपर्छ । 

Why to remember Prithvi Narayan ?

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

किन सम्झने पृथ्वीनारायणलाई ?

अनेकौँ राजनीतिक परिवर्तनपछि पनि पृथ्वीनारायण शाहका काम र विचार

राष्ट्रियताका दृष्टिले अझै पनि सान्दर्भिक रहेकाले उनलाई सम्झनुपर्छ

नेपालको सिमाना एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण गर्ने चाहना राख्ने अभियन्ता पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको विभिन्न पहिचान रहेको छ । कतिपयले उनलाई राजाका रूपमा हेर्ने गरेका छन् । तर, उनको क्रियाकलाप अध्ययन गर्दा नेपाल राष्ट्रनिर्माता, पूर्वराष्ट्राध्यक्ष, राष्ट्रप्रेमीको पहिचानसमेत रहेको छ भन्नुपर्ने हुन्छ। भारतमा शासन गरिरहेका अंग्रेजको पन्जाबाट नेपाललाई जोगाउन उनले अनेक रणनीति र कूटनीति अवलम्बन गरेका थिए ।

५२ वर्षे जीवनकालमा नेपालको राष्ट्रियता बचाउन र राष्ट्रको संरक्षण गर्न अनेक उक्ति, उपदेश, भनाइ र दिव्य विचार उनले उजागर गरेका थिए । उनको समयकालदेखि हालसम्म नेपालमा वेलावेलामा राजनीतिक उथलपुथल भएका छन् । जस्तो– तत्कालीन जनताले थापा तथा पाँडेकाल भोगेका थिए भने त्यसपछि एक सय चारवर्षे जहानियाँ राणाशासन, प्रजातान्त्रिक काल, पञ्चायती कालखण्ड, पुनः प्रजातन्त्र प्राप्ति, लोकतन्त्र, शाहवंशीय शासनको अन्त्य र हालको संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक व्यवस्था पनि जनताले अनुभव गरिरहेका छन् । यतिका परिवर्तनपछि पनि पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको उक्ति भनौँ वा दिव्य विचार या उपदेश राष्ट्रियताका दृष्टिले अझै पनि सान्दर्भिक रहेकाले अहिले पनि उनलाई सम्झनुपर्छ । 

पृथ्वीनारायणले सानातिना राज्य रजौटालाई एकसूत्रमा बाँध्दै सीमा एकीकरणका शीर्ष अभियन्ताको भूमिका खेलेका थिए । उनले राज्यहरूको एकीकरण गरेजस्तै अहिले देश विकासका लागि सबै नेतालाई विकासमा संलग्न गराउन सक्ने शीर्ष नेता आवश्यक परेको छ भन्ने आमजनताको धारणा रहेको पाइन्छ । सर्वमान्य नेताको भूमिका खेल्ने कार्यको अभावका कारण छिमेकी देशले फितलो सरकारलाई अनेक दबाबमा पार्ने गरेको कुरा वेलाबखत सुनिन्छ । अहिले संसद्मा रहेका राजनीतिक दलहरू वैचारिक रूपमा विखण्डित भइरहेका छन् ।

एउटै दलमा दुई–तीन खेमा रहेको पाइन्छ । नेता र सहनेतामा अधिकारको बाँडफाँट नमिलेका कारण आपूmमुनिका उपनेता, प्रादेशिक नेता, जिल्ला नेतालाई समेटेर अघि बढ्न नसक्नाले कतिपय पार्टीभित्रै किचलो पैदा भएको सर्वसाधारण जनताले महसुस गरेका छन् । यस्ता समस्या समाधानका लागि अधिकारवाला नेता तथा हालिमुहालीमा रहेका पदाधिकारीले पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्तिअनुसार ‘मुलुक सबै जातजातिको साझा फूलबारी हो’ भन्ने सान्दर्भिक भनाइ मनन गरेको भए र योग्यता र क्षमताअनुसार सबैमा अधिकार र कामको बाँडफाँट गरेर देशलाई आर्थिक समृद्धितर्फ लम्काऔँ भन्ने धारणा कार्यान्वयन गरेको भए देशमा राजनीतिक रडाको मच्चिने थिएन होला । यस्तो रडाकोले देश आर्थिक समृद्धितर्फ लम्कने गतिलाई प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पारेको कुरा गरिखाने सामान्य जनताले महसुस गरेका छन् । त्यसैले, यस घडीमा समेत पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्ति सदावहार, सार्थक तथा सान्दर्भिक रहेको आभास हुन्छ । 

पृथ्वीनारायणका उक्तिको सान्दर्भिकता :  

गत वर्ष राष्ट्रपति विद्यादेवी भण्डारीले पृथ्वीजयन्ती तथा राष्ट्रिय एकता दिवसको उपलक्ष्यमा २७ पुसमा दिएको शुभकामना सन्देशमा ‘तत्कालीन समयमा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले दिएका उपदेश वर्तमान सन्दर्भमा पनि उत्तिकै मननीय रहेको छ ।

स्वावलम्बी र आत्मनिर्भर अर्थतन्त्र निर्माण गर्न, जनतालाई अधिकारसम्पन्न बनाई राज्यसँग अपनत्वको भाव कायम राख्न तथा कुशल परराष्ट्र सम्बन्ध सञ्चालनलगायत बहुआयामिक क्षेत्रमा हामीले पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको उपदेशलाई सार्वकालिक सन्दर्भ सामग्रीका रूपमा लिन सक्छौँ । राष्ट्रिय एकता दिवसको यस अवसरले हाम्रो मुलुकको स्वतन्त्रता, सार्वभौमिकता, भौगोलिक अखण्डता र राष्ट्रिय एकतालाई अक्षुण्ण राखी जनताको सुख र समृद्धि हासिल गर्न सबैमा प्रेरणा प्रदान गर्ने विश्वास व्यक्त गर्दछु’ भनेकी थिइन् । उनले सिंहदरबारअगाडि रहेको पृथ्वीनारायणको सालिकमा गई माल्यार्पण पनि गरेकी थिइन् ।

पृथ्वीनारायणले सुरु गरेको सीमा एकीकरणको सम्झनास्वरूप सरकारले गत वर्ष २७ पुसमा नेपाल राज्यभर र विदेशस्थित नेपाली दूतावास तथा कूटनीतिक नियोगमा सार्वजनिक बिदा दिएको थियो । सरकारले यस वर्ष पनि बिदा दिने निर्णय गरेको छ ।

प्रधानमन्त्रीका हैसियतमा केपी शर्मा ओलीले शाहको २९९औँ जन्मजयन्तीका अवसरमा ०७७ पुस २७ गते नेपाल राष्ट्रको एकीकरणमा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको योगदान अतुलनीय रहेको बताउँदै सम्मान व्यक्त गरेका थिए । उनले सामाजिक सञ्जालमा ट्विट गर्दै पृथ्वीनारायणका योगदानको स्मरण पनि गरेका थिए । यसैगरी तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्रीहरू माधवकुमार नेपाल, डा. बाबुराम भट्टराई तथा झलनाथ खनालले समेत विभिन्न समय र कार्यक्रममा ‘पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको मुलुक एकीकरण अभियान प्रक्रिया समाज विकासको ऐतिहासिक भौतिकवादी दृष्टिकोणले सही थियो’ भनेका छन् । तर, पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्ति अनुसरण नगरी व्यवहारमा राजनीतिक नेताहरू एकआपसमा नमिलेका कारण देशमा राजनीतिक अस्थिरता र किचलो उब्जिएको छ ।  

पृथ्वीनारायणको कूटनीति :  

पृथ्वीनारायणलाई सम्झनुपर्ने उनको उक्तिबारे समग्र रूपमा भन्नुपर्दा नेपाल राष्ट्र, नेपालको राष्ट्रियता, सार्वभौमिकता बचाउन, राष्ट्रिय सीमा संरक्षण गर्न र नेपालीलाई नेपाली भएर बाँच्न उनको सन्देशले योगदान पु¥याएको छ । नेपाललाई स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रका रूपमा सदा खडा गराई उत्तर र दक्षिणका दुवै छिमेकीका दबाबबाट बचाइराख्नुपर्छ भन्ने मनसाय पृथ्वी विचारको कूटनीतिक सार हो भन्नु अत्युक्ति नहोला ।

उनको भनाइ थियो– ‘यो राजे दुई ढुंगाको तरुलजस्तो रहेछ, चीन बादशाहसित ठूलो घाहा (मित्रता) राषनु, दषिनको समुद्रका बादशाहसित घाहा ता राषनु, तर त्यो महाचतुर छ’ भन्ने उक्तिलाई देशको बागडोर सञ्चालनका लागि मार्मिक दृष्टान्तका रूपमा लिन सकिन्छ । हुन पनि हो, भारत या चीनमध्ये कुनै एकलाई नेपालले चिढ्याउने काम गर्‍यो भने अर्थात् एकातिर लहस्सियो भने नेपाल चिरिप्प नभए पनि नेपाललाई हानि भने पुग्छ, पुग्छ । त्यसैले नेपालले छुरीको धारमाथि हिँड्नुपरेको छ । चतुरोको फन्दामा परेर बीचधारबाट नेपाल दक्षिणतर्फ चिप्लिएमा दक्षिणको चतुराले नेपाललाई खेलाई–खेलाई आफ्नो वशमा नपार्ला भन्न सकिँदैन । वशमा नपरे नुन–तेलसम्म पनि रोकेर पुनः नाकाबन्दी नगर्ला भन्न सकिँदैन । उत्तरतर्पm चिप्लिए उत्तरकै विचारधारामा नेपाललाई डोहोर्‍याएर आफ्नो छत्रछायामा नराख्ला भन्न सकिँदैन । 

हाम्रा दक्षिणी छिमेकीले चार वर्षअघि ‘भारतको राजनीतिक नक्सा’ प्रकाशित गरी नेपालको सार्वभौम लिम्पियाधुरा–कालापानी–लिपुलेक क्षेत्रको ३७२ वर्गकिलोमिटर भूभाग सर्लक्क आफ्नो सरहदमा मिसायो । नेपालले प्रतिवाद गर्दै वार्ताका लागि आह्वान गर्‍यो । पाँचपटक ‘डिप्लोमेटिक नोट’ पठायो । तर, भारतले कहिले कोरोना भाइरस संक्रमण देखाई वार्ता आलटाल गर्ने गरेको र कहिले भने अनुकूल समय नभएको भन्दै आएको थियो । नेपालले विवश भएर तीन वर्षअघि आफ्नो सार्वभौम क्षेत्र अंकन गरी चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गर्‍यो । यसपछि भारत वार्ताको वातावरण बनाउन उद्यत भएको आभास भएको थियो । तर, वार्ता गर्न आजसम्म तयार भएको देखिँदैन । यस विषयमा नेपालले सशक्त कूटनीति अवलम्बन गर्न सकेको छैन ।

दक्षिणतर्फको मित्र चतुर छ भन्ने दृष्टान्त अन्य कुराबाट पनि अनुभव गर्न सकिन्छ । नेपालमा प्रत्येक नयाँ प्रधानमन्त्री हुनेबित्तिकै ‘रेड कार्पेट’ ओछ्याएर स्वागत गर्न तात्तातो निमन्त्रणा पठाइहाल्छ । हाम्रा सरकार प्रमुख पनि लुरुलुरु गइहाल्छन् । भारतका प्रधानमन्त्री भने १२ वर्षपछि मात्र नेपाल आए । मित्रता भनेको त लगभग ‘रिसिप्रोसिटी’का आधारमा सुदृढ हुनुपर्ने हो । उनीहरूको ध्येय होला, हामी बोलाउँछौँ, उनीहरू आइहाल्छन् । यहीँ हामी उनीहरूका कुरा सुनिहाल्छौँ, जे सूत्र भन्नुपर्ने हो, उनीहरूलाई भनिहाल्छौँ । अनि बेकारमा धाइधाई नेपाल जान किन आवश्यक प¥यो र !

हुन पनि त्यस १२ वर्षे समयकालमा झलनाथ खनालबाहेक १३ कार्यकालका नौजना प्रधानन्त्रीले प्राथमिकतासाथ औपचारिक रूपमा भारत भ्रमण गरेका थिए । वर्तमान प्रधानमन्त्री पुष्पकमल दाहाल नियुक्त हुनेबित्तिकै भारत सरकारले बधाई ज्ञापनका साथै भ्रमणको प्रस्ताव गरेको थियो । दाहाल यस वर्ष जेठ १७ गतेदिखि चारदिने भ्रमणमा भारत गएका थिए । उनले नेपाल–भारत सम्बन्धको आत्मीयताको वार्तालाप गरे । तर, नेपालको भौगोलिक अखण्डतासँग गाँसिएको लिम्पियाधुरा सीमा क्षेत्रको समाधानको प्रसंग उठाउन सकेनन् । 

उत्तरको मित्र पनि कम छैन । चीनले यसै वर्ष ११ भदौमा प्रकाशित गरेको नयाँ नक्सामा नेपालको लिपुलेक–कालापानी–लिम्पियाधुराको चुच्चे क्षेत्र देखाएन । भारतीय प्रधानन्त्री नरेन्द्र मोदी चीन भ्रमण गएका वेला नेपालको सम्प्रभुता भएको दार्चुलाको लिपुलेक नाकाबाट ती दुई देशले आ–आफ्नो व्यापार वाणिज्य अभिवृद्धि गर्ने भनी नेपाललाई एक वचन नसोधी सन् २०१५ मे १५ मा सम्झौता गरे । भारतले त बिस्र्यो, तर चीनले यस मामिला र चुच्चे नक्सा सम्बन्धमा नेपाललाई किन सम्झेन ? यस्तै, भारतले नयाँ नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेर नेपालको कालापानी क्षेत्र मिसाएको सन्दर्भमा चिनियाँ विदेश मन्त्रालयका प्रवक्ता झाओ लिजियानले १८ मे २०२० मा ‘कालापानी क्षेत्रबारे नेपाल–भारतबीचको मामिला सुल्झाउन आपसी मित्रवत् कुराकानी जरुरी रहेको छ । नेपाल–भारत दुवैले आपसी मैत्री संवादबाटै सुल्झाउनेमा चीन विश्वस्त छ, एकपक्षीय कदम चाल्दा परिस्थिति थप जटिल हुनेतर्फ ध्यान दिनुपर्छ’ भने । तर, चीनलाई राम्ररी नै थाहा भए पनि पुराना नक्सा दस्ताबेजले कालापानी नेपालतर्फ देखाएको छ कहिल्यै भनेन । 

अन्त्यमा, यी सबैको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको विचार, उक्ति, उपदेश भनौँ अथवा धारणा, दृष्टिकोण र भनाइ नेपाली राष्ट्रवादको जग हो र नेपाल राष्ट्रको आत्मा हो भन्न सकिन्छ । अहिले नेताबीच एक–आपसमा हानथाप र शक्ति सन्तुलनको अभाव परेका समयमा पनि पृथ्वीनारायणले भुरेटाकुरे राज्यहरूको सीमा एकीकरण गरेजस्तै वर्तमान राजनीतिक नेताहरूको छरिएर रहेको विचार एकीकरण भए नेपालको आर्थिक समृद्धि उकालो लाग्ने थियो ।  

मुख्य कुरो, पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले त्यतिखेर जे–जस्तो धारणा राखेका थिए, तीन शताब्दीपछि आज पनि ती विषय उत्तिकै सान्दर्भिक छन् । उनले नेपाललाई ‘दुई ढुंगाबीचको तरुल’ भनी छिमेकको सम्बन्धलाई जुन हिसाबले व्याख्या गरेका थिए, त्यो आज पनि मननीय छ । त्यसैले अहिलेको अवस्थामा पृथ्वीनारायणलाई पूर्वाग्रहको दृष्टिकोणले होइन, तर नेपाली हुनुको सान र गौरवका साथै उनले पुर्‍याएको योगदानलाई ऐतिहासिक दृष्टिकोणले हेर्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यसैका आधारमा आजको घडीमा समेत उनको उक्ति सदावहार तथा सार्थक रहेको आभास हुन्छ । हामीले नेपाल राष्ट्र, नेपालको राष्ट्रियता, सार्वभौमिकता र भौगोलिक अखण्डताको जगेर्ना गर्न उनलाई सम्झनु सान्दर्भिक हुन्छ । 

Prithvi Narayan’s Saying on Security Concern

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

सुरक्षा चासोमा पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्ति

छिमेकी देशहरूको निश्चित स्वार्थ पूर्ति गर्ने उद्देश्यका लागि सुरक्षा मामिलामा

कूटनीतिक हस्तक्षेप हुन दिनु हुँदैन ।

ऐतिहासिक कालदेखि नेपालले अपनाउँदै आइरहेको सुरक्षा रणनीतिबारे चर्चा पर्दा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको नाम छुटाउन मिल्दैन । सुरक्षा चासो सम्बन्धमा उनको उक्ति थियो, ‘सन्धिसर्पन हेरी गढी तुल्याई राख्नु र रस्ता–रस्तामा भाँजा हाली राख्नु । जाइ कटक नगर्नु, झिकी कटक गर्नु र श्रीगंगाजीको साँध पनि लाग्नेछ ।’

यसैबमोजिम सिन्धुलीगढी, रसुवागढी, जीतपुरगढी, मकवानपुरगढी जस्ता मुख्य–मुख्य प्रवेशनाकामा किल्ला बनाइएको थियो । नेपाल–अंग्रेज सीमायुद्धका सन्दर्भमा सिन्धुलीगढीतर्फ उक्लन लागेको क्याप्टेन किनलकको फौजका धेरै सैनिक मरेकाले अंग्रेज फौज उत्तर घुस्न सकेको थिएन ।

नेपाल–तिब्बत युद्धताका रसुवागढीबाट तिब्बती फौज नेपालतर्फ बढ्न नसक्नुको कारण पनि त्यही थियो । उनको उक्ति पढ्दा वर्तमानमा पनि राष्ट्रको सिमानामा सुरक्षा बल तैनाथ गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने बुझ्न सकिन्छ । तर पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्ति बेलामौकामा अनुसरण नभएकाले दक्षिण सीमारेखाको सुरक्षा हुन नसकी नेपालका ७१ भन्दा बढी ठाउँमा सीमा अतिक्रमण, मिचान, वादविवाद हुन पुगेको छ ।

सीमा व्यवस्थापन र शान्ति–सुरक्षा

देशको सीमा पद्धतिको व्यवस्थापन र जनताको शान्ति–सुरक्षाका सवालमा पृथ्वीनारायणले भनेका छन्, ‘पक्की किल्ला बनाउनु, किल्लैपिछे तोप लम्छट् गरि राषीदिनु र जति भञ्ज्याँ ई छन् भञ्ज्याँपीछे यक यक फलामे ढोका बनाई ढोकापिछे यक यक तोप लम्छट् गरि राषीदिनु र पपाच सिपाहिँ राषीदिनु र यस्व भयापछि चेवा गर्न्या, चर्चा गर्न्या, भागन्या, नास्न्या, ढुकुवा, फसादि, षुनि यस्ताहरूको पनि केही चल्नेछैन, चारै बादसाही चढाइँ गरि आयो भन्या पनि कसैको केही चल्न्या रहेनछ ।’ यस उक्तिको मनसाय हो— अंग्रेज अत्यन्तै चतुर जाति हो, लडाइँ–झगडा नगरी छलकपट गरेर भए पनि हाम्रो देशभित्र आउन सक्छन्, त्यसैले सन्धिसर्पन हेरी उचित ठाउँमा किल्ला बनाई रोक्न सकिन्छ ।

यसअनुसार सिन्धुलीजस्ता डाँडाको गढीमा अग्लो पर्खालको किल्ला बनाई फलामे तोप तथा बमगोलाहरू राखिएका थिए । देशको राजधानी रहेको काठमाडौंवरिपरिका चार भन्ज्याङ (साँगा भन्ज्याङ, थानकोट बाड भन्ज्याङ, काउले रानीपौवा भन्ज्याङ र लेले चन्द्रागिरि भन्ज्याङ) लाई प्रवेशनाका कायम गरिएको थियो । अचेल पनि यी भन्ज्याङहरूमा प्रहरी चौकी छन् र शान्ति–सुरक्षाका हिसाबमा यिनलाई संवेदनशील मानिएको छ । उपत्यकाभित्र कुनै आपराधिक घटना भएमा यी नाकाहरूमा कडाइका साथ चेक–जाँच गरिन्छ । स्मरणीय छ, थानकोट सुरक्षा जाँच टोलीले भारतको उत्तर प्रदेश सरकारका खाद्य तथा रसदमन्त्री सुरेन्द्रविक्रम सिंहका सहोदर भाइ ब्रजेशप्रताप सिंह तथा दुई भारतीय सुरक्षा अधिकारीसहित छ भारतीयलाई एक थान एसएमजी, एक थान पेस्तोलसहित केही वर्षअघि पक्राउ गरी भारतीय दूतावासमा बुझाएको थियो ।

यसबाट पनि पृथ्वीनारायणको दिव्य उक्ति कति सार्थक छ भन्ने प्रमाणित हुन्छ । नेपाली फौजका सम्बन्धमा पृथ्वीनारायणको भनाइ थियो, ‘सिपाहि भन्याको तिषारिराषनु तिषारिराष्याका सिपाहि कसैका मलाजामा पस्तैनन् र आफनु काज फत्य हुन्छ ।’ यसअनुरूप नेपाली सेनाले आफ्ना सैन्य बललाई तिखारिराख्न अर्थात् चुस्त राख्न विभिन्न तालिम तथा सैन्य शैक्षिक कोर्स सञ्चालन गर्दै आएको छ । उदाहरणका लागि, काठमाडौंको शिवपुरीमा आर्मी कमान्ड एन्ड स्टाफ कलेज, नगरकोटमा नेपाली आर्मी वार कलेज, भक्तपुरको खरिपाटीस्थित लप्टनडाँडामा मिलिटरी इन्टेलिजेन्स स्कुल चलिरहेका छन् । क्षेत्रगत स्तरमा पनि तालिमको प्रबन्ध गरिएको छ ।

युद्धकला तिखार्ने शैक्षिक कोर्स अथवा तालिम पूरा नगरेको सिपाहीलाई बढुवा गरिँदैन । नेपालको सुरक्षाका निम्ति चीनको सीमातर्फ ९ र भारतीय सीमातिर २४३ बोर्डर अब्जर्भेसन पोस्टमा सशस्त्र प्रहरी बल खटाइएको छ । उनीहरूलाई सीमा सुरक्षाका लागि सुसज्जित पार्न काठमाडौंको मातातीर्थमा रहेको सशस्त्र प्रहरी स्टाफ कलेजमा विभिन्न शैक्षिक कोर्स, प्यानल छलफल तथा तालिम दिने प्रबन्ध छ । यसबाट पनि पृथ्वीनारायणकालको सुरक्षाचासो आज पनि सान्दर्भिक रहेको बुझिन्छ ।

यसको अर्को पाटोको कुरा गर्दा, रकेट र मिसाइलको यो जमानामा हाम्रा गढीमा तोप र बमगोला राख्नुको के मतलब रहन्छ र भन्ने भनाइ आउन सक्छ । तर नेपाल–तिब्बत र अंग्रेज–नेपाल युद्धताकाका रसुवागढी र सिन्धुलीगढीमा रहेका यस्ता ऐतिहासिक पौराणिक वस्तु अवलोकन गर्न विदेशी र आन्तरिक पर्यटक आइरहेका छन् । यस्ता किल्ला र किल्लाभित्र रहेका सामरिक जिनिसको जगेर्ना र स्याहार–सम्भारको व्यवस्थापन आधुनिक तवरमा गर्न सके पर्यटन अवलोकनको मात्रा बढ्न सक्छ ।

पृथ्वीनारायणको उक्तिअनुसार गढी र किल्लालाई चुस्त–दुरुस्त राख्नका लगि होला, सिन्धुलीगढी र मकवानपुरगढी किल्लामा त्यस बेलाको झलक नमर्ने गरी हाल आधुनिक तरिकाले साजसज्जा गरिएको छ । स्वदेशी तथा विदेशी पर्यटक तथा भ्रमणकर्ताले टिकटका लागि तिरेको रकमले केही मात्रामा भए पनि प्रदेश सरकारले आय आर्जन गर्न सकेको छ ।

सरकारको सुरक्षाचासो

नेपालको सुरक्षा कार्यका सम्बन्धमा तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री शेरबहादुर देउवाले दुई वर्षअघि जंगीअड्डामा दुइदिने कार्यक्रमको उद्घाटन गर्दै राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाको साझा चुनौती पहिचान गरी यसको सामना गर्न नेपाली सेना अगाडि बढ्नुपर्छ भनेका थिए । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय, क्षेत्रीय र राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाको अवस्था विश्लेषण गर्दै उचित रणनीति अपनाएर नेपाली सेनाले त्यो उत्तरदायित्व काँधमा लिएको छ । नेपाली सेनालाई समयमै प्रतिरक्षाका लागि तयार रहन पनि उनले स्मरण गराएका थिए । त्यसै कार्यक्रममा प्रधानसेनापति प्रभुराम शर्माले नेपाली सेनाले राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा र यसको स्थायित्वका लागि अविरल अध्ययन, मनिटरिङ र सुपरिवेक्षण गर्दै आइरहेको उल्लेख गर्दै यससम्बन्धी चुनौती सामना गर्न सदा तत्पर रहिआएको कुरा व्यक्त गरेका थिए ।

आकाशीय सीमा सुरक्षा

गत वर्ष नेपाली सेनाको सीमा अनुगमन तथा सर्भे निर्देशनालयले जंगीअड्डामा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सीमा सुरक्षा तथा व्यवस्थापनसम्बन्धी दुईदिने सेमिनार आयोजन गरेको थियो । सेमिनारको समापनमा प्रधानसेनापति प्रभुराम शर्माले सुरक्षाको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा नेपाल–भारत खुला सीमा नियन्त्रणमा जोड दिँदै र सीमामा तारबार लगाउनुपर्ने उल्लेख गर्दै थपेका थिए, ‘अब आकाशको सिमानाको पनि कुरा गर्नुपर्छ । आकाशमा भएका रणनीतिका कारण देशको सुरक्षामा सकारात्मक–नकारात्मक प्रभाव पार्छ । हामीले आकाशे सीमाको पनि अध्ययन गर्नुपर्छ र नेपाली सेनालाई यसका लागि उपकरणले सुसज्जित गराउनुपर्छ । अन्य सुरक्षा निकायले नसकेको अवस्थामा भौगोलिक अखण्डताको रक्षा सेनाले गर्नुपर्ने संवैधानिक दायित्व रहेको छ ।’

निष्कर्ष

कुनै पनि राष्ट्रले बाह्य तथा आन्तरिक चुनौती सामना गर्नका लागि सुरक्षानीतिको तर्जुमा गर्नुपर्छ । सबै प्रकारका सुरक्षा खतराको न्यूनीकरण एवं सामना गर्दै शान्ति–अमनचैन कायम गरी देश विकास र समृद्धिको बाटोमा अघि बढ्नुपर्छ । जमिनको मात्रै होइन, आकाशीय सीमाबाट आइपर्ने खतरालाई पनि आजको सुरक्षानीतिमा सम्बोधन गर्नुपर्छ । आजभोलि ड्रोन उपकरणका माध्यमबाट शान्ति–सुरक्षा अनुगमन गर्ने प्रचलन आएको छ ।

नेपालका लागि सुरक्षा चुनौती खास गरी छिमेकी मुलुकहरूसँगको सीमा व्यवस्थापन, सीमा विवाद हो । नेपाली भूमि छिमेकी राष्ट्रविरुद्ध अवाञ्छित तत्त्वले उपयोग गर्न नपाओस् भन्नेमा सजग हुनुपर्छ । छिमेकी देशहरूको निश्चित स्वार्थपूर्ति गर्ने उद्देश्यका लागि सुरक्षा मामिलामा कूटनीतिक हस्तक्षेप हुन दिनु हुँदैन । नेपालले विगतमा अपनाएको सुरक्षा व्यवस्था र त्यसको कमीकमजोरीबाट उत्पन्न खतराबारे अध्ययन–अनुसन्धान गरी त्यस्ता जोखिमको सामना गरी समाधान गर्नेतर्फ विशेष ध्यान पुर्‍याउनुपर्छ ।

आइपर्ने सुरक्षा खतराका सम्बन्धमा समयमै गम्भीर भई आवश्यक कदम चाल्न सक्नुपर्छ । आवश्यक परेको खण्डमा राज्यले सामना गर्न सक्ने गरी नेपाली सेनालगायतका सुरक्षा निकाय देशको भौगोलिक अखण्डता, स्वाधीनता, सार्वभौमिकता र स्वतन्त्रताको रक्षा गर्न पूर्वतयारी अवस्थामा रहनुपर्छ । यिनै परिप्रेक्ष्यमा सुरक्षानीति तयार पार्दा पृथ्वीनारायणका पालादेखिका सैन्य क्रियाकलापलाई विश्लेषण तथा मनन गर्नुपर्छ ।

Remembering the Nation’s Unifier

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

When we look at the historical background of the boundary of Nepal, Prithvi Narayan Shah had initiated to unify various petty kings, small kingdoms and principalities of the Himalayan region in 1744 AD. After the expansion of Kathmandu Valley, he unified other smaller kingships south of the valley to keep out of the influence and control of the British rule. After his kingdom spread out from north to south, he made Kantipur the capital of expanded country, and called it ‘NEPAL’ instead of GORKHA. As a result, Prithvi Narayan Shah formally established Nepal as a Himalayan State and thus, Nepal was born on 16 November 1769.

After establishing the nation of Nepal, as its capital in Kantipur, Prithvi Narayan Shah did not sit with his hands folded. Looking at the possibility of the invasion from British India, Shah thought of unifying all of the smaller states to form a larger and stronger country. He thought that if those small states and fiefdoms could be unified, the British and the Bengalis could not obstruct Nepal to be as a big nation. Thus, he pushed forward his ‘campaign of unification’ with the intention of bringing them together, merging into the territory of Nepal.

Before Prithvi Narayan Shah, Nepal was divided into the Baisi, Chaubisi, Malla Kingdoms, Sen principalities of Makwanpur, Chaudandi and Vijayapur. Shah recognized the detrimental effects of this fragmented state and understood that the only way to safeguard Nepal’s sovereignty and ensure its progress was through unification. His vision extended beyond the narrow interests of individual kingdoms and embraced a broader concept of a unified Nepal that would be strong, self-reliant, and capable of resisting external threats. He understood that a united Nepal would be better equipped to defend its borders, assert its sovereignty, and promote the welfare of its people.

If Shah had not started to unify various petty kingdoms of the Himalayan region, it would have been fallen into the British domination. So, we have to remember Shah’s contribution that formed a single nation Nepal. Before his death, he had expressed his sayings (Upadesh) or thoughts that are still relevant in the context of economic activities, security, diplomacy and protection of the boundaries.

Relevancy of Shah’s thought

Last year, President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s greeting message given on the occasion of Prithvi Jayanti and National Unity Day on January 11 stated- ‘The thought given by Prithvi Narayan Shah at that time is equally relevant in the current context. We can take Prithvi Narayan Shah’s Upadesh as an all-time reference material in the multifaceted fields of building a self-reliant and self-sufficient economy, empowering the people to maintain a sense of belongingness with the state and conducting efficient foreign relations. On the occasion, she placed flowers and garlands on the statue in front of the main gate of Singha Darbar. 

As a remembrance of the unification work of Prithvi Narayan, the government had given a public holiday on January11 last year across Nepal and to Nepalese embassies and diplomatic missions abroad. It has been decided to give a holiday this year as well.

Diplomatic vision

If we talk about Prithvi Narayan’s vision, it will not be an exaggeration to say that his diplomatic essence was that Nepal should be protected from the interference of both the north and south neighbours. He said ‘Nepal is like a yam between two boulders. Keep friendship with the Emperor of China. At the same time, it is necessary to make a strong friendship also with the Emperor of the South. But he is very clever. He is occupying Hindustan and he is eyeing the plain area of Nepal also.’  

It is a vital diplomacy- if Nepal inclines to one neighbour, there is a possibility that even if it is not adversity, it may harm Nepal. Nepal has to walk on a razor’s edge. If Nepal slips from the razor edge to the south,  he will trap Nepal under his umbrella.  If it is slipped to the north, Nepal will be influenced by their ideology.

Four years ago, our southern neighbor published the ‘Political Map of India’ and included 372 square kilometer area of Limpiyadhura-Kalapani-Lipulek region within  their territory, which is the sovereign land of Nepal. Nepal responded and called for talks. Diplomatic notes were sent five times. But India used to delay the talks mentioning Covid-19 pandemic. In other time,  it was said that it was not a favorable time. Therefore, Nepal was compelled to demarcate its sovereign territory and published the beaked map (Chuchhe Naksa) three years ago. After this, India seemed to create an environment for talks. But he is not ready to talk till this date. Diplomats have opined that Nepal has not been able to adopt prompt diplomacy.

The northern neighbour also is no less on some issues. China published a new map  on August 11, 2023. But they did not depict the Chuche Naksa of Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura region of Nepal. There is a diplomatic curiosity that why China did not remember Nepal in this matter ? It may be due to feeble diplomacy of Nepal. Nepal did not send the Chuche Naksa to China, nor India and the United Nations. Had it been executed the vision of Prithvi Narayan, China would incorporate Nepal’s Chuche Naksa to its new map.

Boundaries

Shah had expressed his vision that ‘Prepare forts on the boundaries on both north and south sides. Construct seven strong forts around Chaar Bhanjyang (Kathmandu Valley) in Shivapuri, Phulchoki, Chandragiri, Mahadevpokhari, Palung, Dapcha, and Kahule Bhanjyang.’

‘Install cannons in a ready position in a row in all forts. Build iron gates in all crossings and keep a cannon in each gate in a ready condition and depute five soldiers each over there. If we could do so, any person involved in watching our activities, talking against us, feeling upon committing crime, causing damage to anyone, sneaking/looking people upon waiting along with the road side, criminal and murderer will also be unable to do anything wrong. And even all the Four Emperors do attack on us, they would be defeated.’   

‘We have to find out our own weak  ground points and we have to convert them into the strong forts. We have to create obstacles on the way they try to enter into. Keep it in mind, they may arrive here anytime. Do not go down in the plain area to fight with them. Let them come in hilly region. When they arrive on the hills, attack them from the high hill. If we make such strategies, they will easily be defeated at the crossings of the Chure Hills. If we could do so, we will be able to extend our boundaries up to the Sriganga River.’

Finally

In the context of all these things, it can be said that Prithvi Narayan Shah’s thoughts, sayings, or ideas and views are the foundation of Nepali nationalism and the soul of the nation. Even at the present time when political leaders make controversy each other and lacks a balance of power, they must remember Prithvi Narayan’s act of unification of petty kingdoms, If the scattered ideas of the current political leaders are unified, the  graph of overall prosperity of Nepal would go up. The main crux is that whatever vision Prithvi Narayan Shah had at that time, those topics are equally relevant even today, after three centuries. The manner in which he described Nepal as a ‘yam between two boulders’ and the relationship between the neighbors is still admirable today. Therefore, in the current situation, it is appropriate to look at Prithvi Narayan not from a prejudice point, but from a historical point of view. It has to honor him as he unified the petty kingdoms into a strong nation. On the basis of his contribution to the nation, it is relevant to remember him in order to develop Nepal further and preserve nationality, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Confusion in Territorial Area of Beaked Map

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

The Government of Nepal had amended the constitution and passed it with the full majority of the parliament and published the new beaked map (chuche Naksa) on May 20, 2020 with a red seal by the President. However, the actual land area of Nepal, including the part of the  new map, has not yet been published by the government. Foreign agencies also seem to be confused. Different areas have been mentioned by World Data Info, Wikipedia, Google Search Engine, World Statistics, UNDP, ICIMOD, Trading Economics, etc.

So far, the government agencies have remained silent when different sections of the society demanded new area from the government. Due to this, especially the students, public service commission examinees, and school-college students have been confused. When the commission’s candidates and school students are asked about the area of Nepal, some may answer the old area as 147,181 square kilometers and some others may mention the area prevalent in the market. If the examinees write whether old or new total area of Nepal, there is a possibility of not giving the marks, supposing the examinees mentioned the old or new data. It may depend upon the conscience of the examiners. Some examiners may be in favour of old data, because the government has not formally announced the new data. The other examiner may think that the area must be added, as the new map has been already published. Due to this confusion, the candidates who attend the civil service examination for the job have been affected.

Area before 1987 AD   

Since the publication of the new map (chuche Naksa), various agencies have been using different areas, as was the case even before 1987.  On page 2 of the book ‘Geography of Nepal’ (1994) authored by Netra Bahadur Thapa Chhetri, Nepal’s area is mentioned 56,000 sq miles (145,040 sq km). Similarly, on page 55 of Parasmani Pradhan and Narendramani Pradhan’s ‘Nepali Geography’ published in 1949 from Darjeeling, it is mentioned 56,000 sq miles. Likewise, on page 1 of ‘Geography of Nepal’ (1950), Prof. M Bahadur MA has written 54,500 sq miles. ‘Nepal’s New Geography’ (1957) published by The National Book Board, Birgunj on page-3, it has been mentioned 54,000 sq miles. The book titled ‘Nepal and the East India Company’ (1965) on page 3, authored by B.D. Sunwal, it is written 168,000 sq km. A research-based monograph titled ‘Land Ownership in Nepal’ written by Mahesh Chandra Regmi published from the University of California, Berkeley, USA in 1976 contains 54,362 sq miles (140,798 sq km). In this way, the area of Nepal is mentioned differently from 139,860 to 168,000 sq kilometers in various materials.

Area from 1987  to 2020

Development Planner Dr. Pitambar Sharma wrote a note in the ‘Letter to the Editor column’ in the Gorkhapatra Daily mentioning that ‘the land area of Nepal has been mentioned differently in the various materials, including the reports of the foreign consultants. In such a situation, the government has to publish authorized data to inform the people and society the exact area of the nation Nepal.’ This letter to the editor was noticed also by the National Planning Commission. Dr. Mohan Man Sainju, the then Vice-chairman of the commission assigned Dr. Chandra Bahadur Shrestha and was given him the responsibility of determining the area after holding discussions among the concerned bodies.

Dr. Shrestha held three meetings in August-September 1987 involving the Department of Land Survey (SD), Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), Department of Soil & Watershed Conservation (DSWC), Forest Department, etc. Director General of Survey Arjun Bahadur Basnyat and myself, Director General of the CBS Bishwa Raj Regmi and representatives of other agencies were present in the first meeting.

In this meeting, Survey Department produced the country’s area as 147,484 sq km. The CBS submitted 153,262 sq km and the Department of Soil & Watershed Conservation (DSWC) pleaded to maintain 140,797 sq km. Others did not mention the exact and definite figure. Since everyone had different data, they were asked to bring authorized evidence in the next meeting.

In the next meeting, representing the department as head of the Survey Planning Section, I said, The Canadian consultative team has extracted an area of 147,484 sq km from the Land Resources Mapping Project (LRMP) working in the Survey Department under the assistance of Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). They have enumerated the area with the help of aerial photographs taken from airplanes during the two dry seasons of 1978-79. I submitted a photo copy referring that they have mentioned this area on page 1 of the LRMP Economics Draft Report.

Representative of DSWC submitted a copy of the report titled  ‘Land Use in Nepal with Emphasis on Forest Land Use’ page-27 published in 1986, prepared by the Water and Energy Commission under the Ministry of Water Resources, stating that the area is 140,797 sq km based on the aerial photos taken by USAID for the Department of Forest Conservation in 1964-65. The CBS, however, argued that the total area should be 153,262 sq km, of the conversion from square miles, mentioned in the year 1959. This total area is enumerated based on the area of thum, praganna, tappa and mouza of the then 32 districts of Nepal, for census purposes during the tenure of the then Chief Superintendent Thir Bahadur Rayamajhi of the Department of Statistics,

All these were the representative statistics from different organizations. During the discussion, Dr. Shrestha said that the area produced by the Survey Department extracted from the latest aerial photographs would be scientific and requested all to consider it as the final area of Nepal. But the representative of the Forest Department was reluctant and hesitant on this figure. Therefore, the final area could not be determined in the meeting.

About two weeks later, another meeting was held. There was a long discussion. However, it could not reach into a final decision. In the mean time, Dr. Chandra Bahadur Shrestha said a little bit seriously, ‘It was difficult for you to accept the area presented by one to the others. So I follow a middle path, believe me.’ By saying this, he calculated the three different figures and made its total. And he calculated the mean or average of the three different figures. He said, the mean area is calculated as 147,181 square kilometers. He further said, ‘Please, let us all agree and approve of this average data.’ No one could say neither ‘Yes’ nor ‘No’. After that, a minute of the meeting was written and made signatures by all. A week later, it was circularized to the concerned organizations of the government. Thereafter, 147,181 square kilometer was determined as the national area of Nepal. A month later, the Department of Survey published in the ‘Letter to the Editor’ column of Gorkhapatra that the national area of Nepal is 147,181 square kilometers, as the response to Dr. Pitambar Sharma’s letter published previously in the Gorkhapatra Daily.

Different areas after 2020

The government published the beaked map (Chuche Naksa) on May 20, 2020, but its added area has not yet been made public for long. It created a confusion on the area of the nation. When Kantipur Daily correspondent asked about the newly added area, on the same day the Chuche Naksa was published, the then Minister for Land Management Padma Aryal had said, ‘Nepal’s area has been increased by about 335 sq km.’ After some time, in response to the query of the same reporter, the concerned officer of the Survey Department had informed that the area of the country has increased by 825 sq km by re-measuring the area of the country through the map projection system. The total area has now been proposed to be 148,006 sq km and it is sent to the Ministry (November  3, 2020).

The then Education Minister Giriraj Mani Pokharel, while releasing a booklet titled ‘Nepal’s Geography and Border Related Self-Study Materials’ published by the Curriculum Development Committee on September 14, 2020, had said that Nepal’s area is 147,641 sq km including the increased portion 460 sq km. On the other side, on page 99 of my book titled ‘Border Management of Nepal’ published in 2003, this columnist had brought into light that the area of the beaked portion is 372 sq km up to Limpiyadhura.

Various international organizations have also been found  that they chalked down the area of Nepal according to their own version. For example, Wikipedia, World Atlas, and Google search engines mentioned 147,516 sq km; whereas World Statistics and World Data Info 147,180 sq km, UNDP and ICIMOD 147,181 sq km and Trading Economics mentioned 143,350 sq km.

Why was the area of beaked map not published ?

According to some geographers, the government has not published the new area, because of the projection of chuche and buche (blunted) maps is different. On the other hand, some cartographers think that it might have been delayed due to ‘blunt cartography’ on the new map.

Prior to the chuche map, Nepal had been publishing maps based on universal transversal mercator (UTM) projection. According to the Survey Department, the area of chuche map has been measured and enumerated through the lambert conical conformal (LCC) projection and Everest Spheroid 1830 system and medium of GIS software.

Map projection is the process of making a map by converting a spherical earth into a flat surface through various mathematical methods. In UTM projection, Nepal was divided into three grid zones on the basis of longitude, while in the LCC projection, Nepal is considered a single zone. elongated east-west. When calculating the area of the country, according to both these projection systems, there may be some minor addition or reduction. But according to the principle of the surveying and mapping, there will be no significant difference in the total area as it falls within the ‘permissible error’. The cartographic discipline is not related to area of the nation.

If it is so, there may arise a question as to why the new area was not published ? The answer may be that the previous government had published a new map (Chuche Naksa). If the present government publishes a new area, dignity of the then government will be increased. This is a political apathy. Due to lack of understanding and will-power of the present government, the new area has not been published. It has to make an understanding, whether Chuche Naksa is published by previous or present government. This is related to the territorial integrity of the nation.

The road ahead

Any independent nation has its definite boundary. The land area within that definite boundary should be determined in a scientific method by the government, to be respected by all. This columnist is of the opinion that this article has invited the government to be active to announce the new area of Nepal soon.    

There should be no confusion about the area of the country. Therefore, now, on the basis of technically computed area 147,484 sq km with the help of aerial photographs by the Canadian LRMP project under the Survey Department, it has to add 335 sq km, mentioned by the Ministry of Land Management, on the background of the technical aspect of the Survey Department, on the same day of publishing Chuche Naksa. So, the national total area of Nepal will be 147,819 square kilometre. If this area is announced officially by the government, the confusion on the total area of Nepal will be ended for ever.     

(border analyst and former director general of survey department)       

That Historic Treaty

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

The second article of the 1923 Treaty between Nepal and Britain states that all treaties, agreements and terms of engagement between the two governments, including the Sugauli Treaty of 1816, have been revoked. However, Nepal is yet to recover the vast territory it lost from the Sugauli Treaty.

A hundred years ago, on December 21, 1923, a treaty was signed between Nepal and Britain, which was important in the history of Nepal. Through this treaty, for the first time, Britain declared Nepal an independent and sovereign country and recognized it as a sovereign country. As a result, Nepal was able to adopt foreign policy in accordance with its national sentiment.

This treaty is considered to be one of the major achievements of Nepal’s diplomatic journey. In 1925, this treaty was added to the United Nations records. This was the first treaty signed between Nepal and The United Kingdom and recorded in the United Nations. This made Nepal’s international identity clear. Therefore, Nepal considers this treaty to be very important.

The two countries reached a conclusion after a long time after friendly discussions to implement it as the first treaty between Nepal and Britain. The main achievement of the treaty was the protection of Nepal’s independence and the increase in Nepal’s prestige all over the world. Realizing that Nepal is the oldest country in South Asia, the treaty had taken this mountainous country to great heights on the world map.

There are seven articles in the treaty. The first article states that the governments of Nepal and The United Kingdom shall maintain uninterrupted peace and friendly relations. Both will acknowledge and respect each other’s internal and external freedoms.

The second article states that all treaties, agreements and terms of engagement between the two governments since then, including the Sugauli Treaty of 1816, have been revoked by this treaty. However, Nepal is yet to recover the vast territory it lost from the Sugauli Treaty.

According to the third article, both sides have agreed to communicate information to each other in a friendly and peaceful manner by informing each other in case of disputes with the neighboring states, to remove such crises and mistrust in peace and friendship relations with the neighboring states, and to share information through diplomatic channels.

In the fourth article, it has been mentioned that activities will not be allowed against each other from the territory of their country. According to article 5, Nepal will be allowed to import weapons for its security. Article 6 states that Nepal can import goods brought in the public interest of its people without customs duty. Article 7 states that the treaty will come into force after the signing and ratification of the British Ambassador to Nepal, Lieutenant Colonel William Frederick Travers O’Connor on behalf of the British Government and The Prime Minister and Marshal Maharaja Chandra Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana on behalf of Nepal.

After signing the treaty, a press release was published by the Prime Minister of Nepal and the British Ambassador on the importance of the treaty. After this treaty, the British Ambassador addressed the Prime Minister of Nepal as ‘His Majesty’ while the Prime Minister of Nepal called him ‘His Excellency Ambassador’. Prior to that, the ambassador was called ‘Resident’ and the king was called ‘Your Highness’. The British representative in Nepal was earlier a resident and now an ambassador.

Chandra Shumsher wanted the recognition of a fully sovereign nation for Nepal. When Prince Wales, who later became King Edward, came to Kathmandu, Chandra Shumsher raised the issue of a new peace treaty between Nepal and Britain. The treaty was discussed between british officials in Kathmandu and London for more than a year. The agreement was finally signed at Singha Durbar in Kathmandu. Sardar Bhim Bahadur Pandey wrote in ‘Nepal at that time’ (Part-1, page 235), “After the signing of the treaty with British India on December 21, 1923, a kind of celebration was celebrated in Nepal. The poor and no means of support were fed and Deepawali was celebrated in the city with fanfare. 107 years ago, the stigma in the name of Nepal was removed on that day. ’

British interests

A study of the discussions and discussions within a year and a half in the process of making some writings and treaties before and after this treaty shows that Nepal’s help to Britain and some interests of Britain have also worked in it.

On May 15, 1815, Amar Singh Thapa and The Englishman David Ochterlony signed an agreement at the Fortress of Malaun. Doubting that Nepal would abolish the process and stop recruiting Nepalis in the British regiment, Britain had the interest of signing this treaty of 1923. Chandra Shumsher, on the other hand, feared that britain would not accept the title of his Shree Teen Maharaja (prime minister).

It was expressed on behalf of Nepal that he should recognize Shree Teen, and with this, take as many Nepalis as needed for the British Army. Britain recognized the title of Shree Teen Maharaja and in return, Nepali youth could be recruited in the British Army. Military history writer. According to Prem Singh Basnyat, around 80,000 Nepali youths had gone to the UK to join the British Army during the first world war.

Nepal’s gratefulness paid by the British

In the First World War from 1914 to 18, Britain, France and Russia were on one side, and Germany and Austria on the other. Nepal’s Maharaja Chandra Shumsher had promised to help the British ambassador by providing the necessary troops to the British government involved in the war. At a time when the whole world was engaged in war, Britain needed a large number of troops to save its country. Nepal had sent about 14,000 best soldiers to help the British government. During the war, Germany tried very hard to take nepal’s hand. But Chandra Shumsher did not show any interest in it. In this way, the Emperor of Britain sent a letter of gratitude to Chandra Shumsher for the interest and enthusiasm shown by Nepal to help the British government.

Secondly, the Masoods of Waziristan, now in Pakistan, were already persecuting the British government. The English military campaign against Massoud began in March 1917. In the military campaign against this caste, among other platoons, the Rephal Regiment and The Mahindra Dal Regiment were deployed by the Nepali Army.

The regiment’s 43rd brigade attacked the densely populated mass of Massouds and destroyed a large crowd. The area was completely dominated by the British. Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher was honored with the honor of ‘Honorary General’ of the British Army to pay the credit for the bravery of the Nepali Army during the First World War, including this military operation.

Third, a few months after the end of The First World War, there was a war between the British government and Afghanistan. On May 5, 1919, the British government requested Nepal for military assistance. Like during the First World War, Chandra Shumsher sent 6,000 Nepali troops in June of the same year. Meanwhile, Afghanistan signed a peace treaty with the British government without any conditions and did not have to fight any more wars. In this way, the people who led the army were honored with various honors as a mark of respect for their contribution to the occasion even though they did not have to take part in the war.

Conclusion

The 1923 Nepal-Uk Treaty is very important for Nepal as the British government has formally recognized Nepal as a sovereign independent state and is also listed in the United Nations. As a result of this treaty, 181 of the UN member states have established diplomatic relations with Nepal so far. Nepal’s identity in the world is increasing. In today’s context, not only the neighboring countries India and China, but also the UNITED States, which has seven seas far sky borders, has been giving importance to Nepal.

The Government of Nepal should organize grand programs around December 21 (December 21) to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the 1923 treaty between the two countries to keep Nepal-UK relations intact and to advance Nepal’s diplomatic history. The Nepali Embassy in London, the British Embassy in Kathmandu, the UK Development Office, the British Library London, the British Gurkha Welfare, etc. should organize various programs to highlight the importance of the treaty.

Land Swapping between Nepal and India

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

Land Swapping between Nepal and India

to Settle Limpiyadhura Border Issue

Frontier land is that portion of the territory of any country which lies close along the borderline of another country. Lord Curzon of Kedles Viceroy of India (1898-1905) has said “Frontiers are indeed the razor’s edge on which hang suspended the modern issues of war or peace, of life or death to nation. It indicates that border is a sensitive element.

Sometimes, there may be disputes between two neighboring countries, regarding the ownership of some of the frontier lands. For example, Nepal and India have the dispute on Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura. This scribe intends to float a thought whether there is a possibility to swap the land of Limpiyadhura area with India.

According to the international boundary principle, there are four alternate steps to resolve the frontier land dispute. First, dialogue, discussion, understanding and negotiation. Second, mediation/arbitration. Third, UN security council geo-informatics division. Fourth, international court of justice. Dialogue and negotiation are regarded as the best means of dispute resolution, in a win-win situation.

International practice:

It is tried here to describe the negotiation process. There are three items of negotiation: swapping of lands, to provide on lease and compensation. Under the negotiations, mostly, swapping of lands is prevalent. For example, Netherlands and Belgium swapped the lands of Meuse area in 2016, and Netherlands was benefitted 25 Acres of land. Servia and Kosovo exchanged Medveja and Presevo frontier in 1992. Finland and Sweden swapped Markat area islands in 2012.

Nepal and China exchanged portion of frontiers during the border demarcation in 1961-62.

Nepal provided 1836 square kilometer of frontier lands to Chinese side. In exchange, China gave 2139 sq. km to Nepal. With this effect, those, whose lands were demarcated on the other frontier, they had been given to choose the nationality within one year period. Those, who retained their citizenship as it is and if their lands fall on the other nation, they were provided monetary compensation evaluating jointly by the Nepali and Chinese local authorities.

Nepal and India also have exchanged lands. British resident J Manners Smith sent a request letter to Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher on May 3, 1916 to provide Nepali land to construct Sharada barrage canal project in an exchange basis. There were many correspondences and discussions in due course. Finally, a proposal was made on October 21, 1920 on this matter. Nepal government transferred 4130 acres of land at Sharada barrage area to India and Nepal received 4094 acres of Manpura Tapara, Rajapur of Bardiya district and forest area of Dang near Koilabas.

Bhutan-China:

Bhutanese King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck had eight-day official visit to India from November 3-10, 2023. Before King’s visit to India, there was the 25 th round of talk between Bhutan and China to settle the boundary issue. According to Bhutan, China and Bhutan have a dispute in two sectors of the border, one in Pasamlung-Jakarlung in north-central area, and second in the west Doklam. During the talk, China proposed territory swap as a solution for the dispute. It was proposed the disputed area of Jakarlung and Pasamlung to be swapped with the Doklam plateau. The deal would have benefited Bhutan by giving it the larger chunk of land with an area of 495 sq km. Instead, China would get only 269 sq km of Doklam plateau. Swapping was a Chinese proposal in resolving its tensions with Bhutan. But this was something that Bhutan rejected, given India’s concern. It was a big worry for India, as the Doklam swap would have given China access to the strategically sensitive chicken neck of the Siliguri corridor.

The Doklam plateau, south of the tri-junction among Bhutan, China and India, is where the Indian military, on behalf of Bhutan, was engaged in a standoff with the Chinese forces in 2017 to prevent them from encroaching upon the disputed territory. The standoff ended after over 73 days when both New Delhi and Beijing announced the withdrawal of their forces. It indicates that swapping of frontiers is a means to settle the boundary dispute between two countries.

Bangladeshi model:

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bangladesh on June 6, 2015.During his visit, an agreement was made to swap the land to each other. Under the agreement, Bangladesh transferred 51 enclaves to India. Its area was 3,000 Acres with 16,000 Bangladeshi inhabitants. In exchange, India provided to Bangladesh 111 enclaves having 3,500 Acres, inhabited by 34,000 Indians. People living in the enclaves had been allowed to choose to live in India or Bangladesh with the option of being granted citizenship in the newly designated frontiers and the enclaves would effectively cease to exist.

After the agreement, Indian Prime Minister Modi compared the swapping agreement to the dismantling of another Berlin Wall. Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, sixty- eight years old frontier human benevolence issue has been resolved peacefully. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee expressed “I am dignified to be a witness in this historic agreement. It is to be noted that India and Bangladesh had done homework rigorously for years to exchange the enclaves. To materialize the swapping, India did 100 th amendment in the constitution on May 15, 2015.

Nepal-India swapping of lands:

Nepal-India frontiers may be swapped each other to settle the border issue in accordance with Bangladeshi model. Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura frontier of Nepal (372 sq km) has been encroached and occupied by India since 1962. They have established para-military force and Indo-Tibetan border post, after India-China border war. Historical maps and documents depict that this area belongs to Nepal. But India is not willing to go back from this area. The Indians have intensified activities in the Nepali soil occupied by Indians demonstrating their imperialistic and hegemonic character against the neighboring country.

There may be number of reasons that India may not leave that frontier. First, India constructed the road all the way from Pithoragadh to Gunji, Nabidang and Lipulek pass, up to Chinese frontier. Indian defense minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated 80 km long road virtually on May 8, 2020. It is pity Nepal did not protest mentioning that it is beyond the international norms to make constructions in the disputed area unilaterally.

Second, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Gunji in the Byas Rural Municipality of the Darchula District on October 12, 2023. Gunji is a Nepali village in the Kalapani territory encroached by India. Modi offered prayers at the Parvati Kunda near Gunji and paid far off homage of Adikailash located at Chinese frontier. It was along with a planned interaction program with local residents from Pithoragarh and Gunji. This visit raises questions as to why Modi visited this disputed area violating the diplomatic norms. The then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had visited Arunachal Pradesh on October 13, 2009 the disputed area between China and India. At that time, China was deeply upset and pleaded that India violated the diplomatic standard, visiting disputed territory without informing China. Nepal could not send objection letter to India regarding Modi’s visit to Gunji, as China had done to India.

Third, India published a new map on November 4, 2019 incorporating the Limpiyadhura- Kalapani-Lipulek area of Nepal. Nepal sent five diplomatic notes to India to talk on this issue.
But India ignored and did not respond. Nepal did not venture to step forward for international help.

Fourth, Nepal published Pointed Map (Chuche Naksa) on 20 May 2020. India ignored and had no effect on them. Due to political weakness, Nepal forgot to send it in the United Nations map archive to materialize the international recognition.

Fifth, China did not include Nepal’s new Pointed Map (Chuche Naksa) while publishing the latest standard national map of China on August 28, 2023. It has encouraged India to create strength to continue to encroach our Limpiyadhura frontier. But Nepal’s blunt diplomacy was not able to send a memo with new map to China.

Sixth, while prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal visited India on May 31, 2023, he could not raise the issue of Limpiyadhura. This was a blunder in relation to protect the territorial integrity of Nepal.

Seventh, Dahal had visited China on September 23, 2023. He was not able to spell on the Chuche Map of Nepal which was not included in the new map of China. Even when Nepal’s territorial integrity, national sovereignty and indivisibility have been challenged, Nepalese authorities are unable to speak.

Eighth, Nepal government was reluctant to present a copy of Chuche Naksa to the Untied Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres while he visited Nepal from October 29, 2023.

Had it been given to him as a gift, the territorial integrity of Nepal through Chuche Naksa would spread all over the world. Geo-informatics Division of the UN has an archive of collection of maps of the various countries of the UN member nations. Nepal missed this opportunity to strengthen territorial integrity.

Ninth, Nepal could not enumerate the Nepali citizens dwelling at Gunji, Nabi and Kuti due to Indian obstruction during the national population census conducted in October-November 2021. But with the help of satellite/google images, it could be counted number of houses of that area and total number of people be enumerated virtually. It is notable that 1961 population census had enumerated the people of that area.

Tenth, general election was held on 20 November 2022 to elect the 275 members of the House of Representatives. But the government could not initiate to enroll the people of Gunji area in the voter list. However, they were enrolled as the voters in the first general election- 1959 and casted votes to Nepali Congress party. It could, at least, it was possible to include them in the voters list asking to the citizens of nearby Chhangru village under Byas rural municipality ward-1, as they have kith and kin to Gunji area.

Realizing and visualizing above events and incidents, we have three ways to resolve the border issues. One is to tolerate, second is to go to international affairs, and the next is to negotiate. By nature, Nepalis do not like to fight with the neighbor. If we tolerate for some more period, the neighbour may be convinced and seek for the proper means of settlement. It may be swapping the frontiers.

To swap the lands, the first preference should be swapping of Limpiyadhura area of Nepal with the 23 km width Chicken neck portion of West Bengal Indian land, located between Nepal and Bangladesh. Lipulek, Nabidang, Gunji, Navi, Kuti, Limpiyadhura (north of Lipu river) having 310 square kilometre of Nepali frontier could be exchanged with the Indian land equal in area, located east of Kakarbhitta, Chandragadhi and Kichakbadh of Nepal to Banglabandh Zero Point and Titaliya to touch Bangladesh border. Nepal should retain 62 sq km area south of Lipu River from Lipulek pass to Kalapani near Gunji.

Alternative:

Second alternative may be the Indian land from Gundak (Narayani) River- westward up to Danda, Rapti, Ghaghra River to River Ganges (with Gorakhpur, Deora, Saran and north of Patna). Nepal should get 620 sq km (double of Limpiyadhura area) due to the importance of Nepali frontier. If this portion is negotiated, Nepal will be facilitated to reach to Haldia seaport through Ganga river navigation.

Third alternative may be portion of Baharaich, Srabasti, Gonda of India, located south of Dang, Kapilabastu and Rupandehi districts of Nepal. Fourth option could be portion of East Medinapur, Tamluk and West Medinapur districts of West Bengal, adjoined with the Haldia seaport, Calcutta. This seaport should be used by both Nepal and India. Both the above mentioned items should be 620 sq km each. This is one of the School of Thoughts to resolve the Limpiyadhura issue.

The other School of Thoughts may be: neither a single inch of land should be given to neighbor, nor it should take from them, even there will be blood-shed. This is their own thinking. But the important thing is to resolve the issue amicably. The think-tank must make study, which one is feasible for Nepal to stay in peace, harmony and tranquility.

Lastly:

If the land swapping concept is agreeable for Nepal and India, it needs to make rigorous exercises from both the sides. Nepal has to amend the Constitution to add sub-article C after Article 4. (1) A and B. India has already amended its constitution in 2015 in connection to land swapping with Bangladesh.

Land swapping proposal may seem strange for a certain mind-set group. Some of them will even protest against it. But only a concept is floated here. It is never meant to say that everything should be done like this. If they don’t agree upon it, they must suggest alternate ways and means in view of the other school of thought. The think-tank and experts, on the related subject matter, must suggest to settle the border issue between two countries, so that the relation between Nepal and India will be further strengthened and expanded in the days to come.

India may not be agreeable to swap the land. Because India has gobbled Limpiyadhura. But it is stucked into India’s throat. India is neither able to swallow it, nor he could discharge it out of throat. Now Nepal has to punch on India’s back throat by a a bundle of old maps, so that Limpiyadhura will be discharged from the throat and it runs back into Nepal’s frontier. This is the last alternative to Nepal.

Area of Pointed Map of Nepal is Still Confused

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha

‘गएको सरकारले चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकाले वर्तमान सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशन गरेमा उसैको मानमर्यादा बढ्छ’ भनेर देखाइएको राजनीतिक उदासीनता र ‘यो त देशको भौगोलिक अखण्डतासँग गाँसिएको कुरो हो’ भन्नेमा सरकारको बुझाइको कमीका कारण नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरिएको हो ।

नेपाल सरकारले संविधान संशोधन गरी संसद्को पूर्ण बहुमतले पारित गरेर राष्ट्रपतिबाट लालमोहर लगाई २०७७ जेठ ७ गते चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेको थियो । तर नक्सामा चुच्चो परेको भागसहित नेपालको वास्तविक क्षेत्रफल कति हो भनी सरकारी तवरबाट अहिलेसम्म जानकारी गराइएको छैन । विदेशी निकायहरू पनि अन्योलमा रहेको देखिन्छ । वर्ल्ड डाटा इन्फो, विकिपेडिया, गुगल सर्च इन्जिन, वर्ल्ड स्टाटिस्टिक, यूएनडीपी, इसिमोड, ट्रेडिङ इकोनोमिक्स आदिमा भिन्नाभिन्नै क्षेत्रफलहरू उल्लेख गरिएका छन् ।समाजका विभिन्न वर्गले सरकारसँग नयाँ क्षेत्रफल माग गर्दा अहिलेसम्म सरकारी निकायहरू मौन छन् । यसबाट खास गरी लोकसेवा आयोगका परीक्षार्थीहरू तथा विद्यालय–महाविद्यालयका विद्यार्थीहरू रनभुल्लमा परेका छन् । आयोगका परीक्षार्थी तथा विद्यालयका विद्यार्थीहरूलाई नेपालको क्षेत्रफल सम्बन्धमा सोधिएको प्रश्नमा पुरानै क्षेत्रफल १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि उत्तर लेख्दा र अर्कातिर बजारमा चलेका विभिन्न नयाँ क्षेत्रफलसमेत जोडेर लेख्दा त्यसमा अंक नदिने गरिएको छ । यसबाट जागिरका लागि लोकसेवा परीक्षा दिने उम्मेदवारहरू मारमा परेका छन् ।

संवत् २०४३ भन्दा अघिको क्षेत्रफल

चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित भएयता विभिन्न निकायले थरीथरीका क्षेत्रफल उपयोग गरेर आइरहेको जस्तै अवस्था संवत् २०४३ भन्दा अघि पनि थियो । नेत्रबहादुर थापा क्षत्रीद्वारा लिखित ‘नेपालको भूगोल’ (संवत् २०१०) पुस्तकको पृष्ठ २ मा नेपालको क्षेत्रफल ५६,००० वर्गमाइल (१,४५,०४० वर्गकिमि) उल्लेख छ । दार्जिलिङबाट सन् १९४९ मा प्रकाशित पारसमणि प्रधान र नरेन्द्रमणि प्रधानको ‘नेपाली भूगोल’ को पृष्ठ ५५ मा ५६,००० वर्गमाइल; प्रो. एमबहादुर एमएले लेखेको ‘नेपालको भूगोल’ (सन् १९५०) को पृष्ठ १ मा ५४,५०० वर्गमाइल; राष्ट्रिय पुस्तक मण्डल, वीरगन्जबाट प्रकाशित ‘नेपाल का नवीन भूगोल’ (सन् १९५७) मा ५४,००० वर्गमाइल; बीडी सनवलले लेखेको ‘नेपाल एन्ड द इस्ट इन्डिया कम्पनी’ (सन् १९६५) को पृष्ठ ३ मा १,६८,००० वर्गकिमि; सन् १९७६ मा युनिभर्सिटी अफ क्यालिफोर्निया, बर्कलेबाट प्रकाशित महेशचन्द्र रेग्मीद्वारा लिखित ‘ल्यान्ड ओनरसिप इन नेपाल’ शीर्षक अनुसन्धानमूलक मोनोग्राफ पुस्तकमा ५४,३६२ वर्गमाइल (१,४०,७९८ वर्गकिमि) भनी लेखिएको छ । यसरी विभिन्न सामग्रीमा नेपालको क्षेत्रफल १,३९,८६० वर्गकिमिदेखि १,६८,००० वर्गकिमिसम्म उल्लेख भएको पाइन्छ ।

२०४३ देखि २०७७ सम्मको क्षेत्रफल

नेपालको क्षेत्रफललाई लिएर विविध अंक देखिएको र विदेशी परामर्शदाताका प्रतिवेदनहरूमा पनि भिन्नाभिन्नै उल्लेख भएकाले सरकारले आधिकारिक तथ्यांक जनसमुदायसमक्ष ल्याउनुपर्छ भनी उस बेला विकासविज्ञ डा. पीताम्बर शर्माको प्रतिक्रिया गोरखापत्रमा प्रकाशित भएको थियो, जसमा राष्ट्रिय योजना आयोगको पनि नजर परेछ । आयोगका तत्कालीन उपाध्यक्ष मोहनमान सैंजूले आयोगकै सदस्य डा. चन्द्रबहादुर श्रेष्ठलाई सरोकारवाला निकायहरूबीच छलफल गरी क्षेत्रफल यकिन गर्ने अभिभारा दिए ।

डा. श्रेष्ठले नापी विभाग, केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभाग, भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभाग, वन विभाग आदिलाई सम्मिलित गराई २०४३ भदौ–असोजमा तीन पटक बैठक गरे । पहिलो बैठकमा नापी महानिर्देशक अर्जुनबहादुर बस्न्यात र यो पंक्तिकार, केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागबाट महानिर्देशक विश्वराज रेग्मी तथा अन्य निकायका प्रतिनिधिहरू थिए । नापी विभागले देशको क्षेत्रफल १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमि; केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागले १,५३,२६२ वर्गकिमि र भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभागले १,४०,७९७ वर्गकिमि कायम गर्नुपर्छ भनी प्रस्तुति दिए । अन्यले खास क्षेत्रफल यत्ति नै हुनुपर्छ भनेनन् । सबैको भिन्नाभिन्नै अंक भएकाले अर्को बैठकमा यसको आधिकारिक प्रमाण ल्याउन भनियो ।

अर्को बैठकमा नापी योजना शाखा प्रमुखका हैसियतले विभागको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्दै मैले भनें, ‘क्यानेडियन सहायता अन्तर्गत नापीमा सञ्चालन भएको एलआरएमपी प्रोजेक्टबाट सन् १९७८–७९ का दुई सुक्खा मौसममा हवाईजहाजबाट खिचिएका फोटोग्राफहरू फोटोग्रामेट्रिक विधिद्वारा संगणना गर्दा क्यानेडियन परामर्श टोलीले १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमि क्षेत्रफल निकालेको छ ।’ यो क्षेत्रफल उनीहरूले एलआरएमपी इकोनोमिक्स ड्राफ्ट रिपोर्टको पृष्ठ १ मा उल्लेख गरेको भन्दै मैले प्रतिलिपि प्रस्तुत गरें ।

भू तथा जलाधार संरक्षण विभागका प्रतिनिधिले वन संरक्षण विभागका निम्ति यूएसएआईडीले सन् १९६४–६५ मा खिचेको हवाईफोटोका आधारमा क्षेत्रफल १,४०,७९७ वर्गकिमि भएको भन्दै जलस्रोत मन्त्रालय अन्तर्गत जल तथा शक्ति आयोगबाट सन् १९८६ मा प्रकाशित ‘ल्यान्ड युज इन नेपाल विथ इम्फ्यासिस अन फरेस्ट ल्यान्ड युज’ रिपोर्टको पृष्ठ २७ को प्रतिलिपि पनि मैले पेस गरें । केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागले भने तत्कालीन संख्या विभागका चिफ सुपरिन्टेन्डेन्ट थिरबहादुर रायमाझीका पालामा जनगणना प्रयोजनका निम्ति तत्कालीन ३२ जिल्ला अन्तर्गतका थुम, प्रगन्ना, तप्पा, मौजाका आधारमा संवत् २०१५ मा उल्लेख गरिएको वर्गमाइललाई वर्गकिमिमा परिणत गर्दाको क्षेत्रफल १,५३,२६२ वर्गकिमि हुनुपर्ने जिकिर गर्‍यो । यी प्रतिनिधिमूलक तथ्यांक थिए । छलफलका क्रममा डा. श्रेष्ठलेे हवाईफोटोबाट निकालेको नापी विभागको क्षेत्रफल वैज्ञानिक हुने भन्दै यसैलाई अन्तिम क्षेत्रफल मान्न अनुरोध गरे । तर वन विभागका प्रतिनिधिले आनाकानी गरे । त्यसैले बैठकमा क्षेत्रफलको निर्णय हुन सकेन ।

त्यसको लगभग दुई हप्तापछि अर्को बैठक बस्यो । निकै लामो छलफल भयो । तर पनि टुंगो लाग्ने छाँट आएन । डा. चन्द्रबहादुर श्रेष्ठले अलि गम्भीर हुँदै भने, ‘तपाईंहरूलाई एकले प्रस्तुत गर्नुभएको क्षेत्रफल अर्कोलाई मान्न अप्ठेरो पर्‍यो । त्यसैले म एउटा मध्यमार्ग अपनाउँछु, मान्नुहोला ।’ यति भनेर उनले तीन प्रकारका क्षेत्रफलको जोडजम्मा गरे । अनि त्यसको मध्यमान औसत निकालेर क्षेत्रफल १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि हुन्छ भन्दै ‘कृपया, हामी सबै जनाले यसलाई मन्जुर गरौं’ भने । कसैले ‘हुन्छ’ भन्न सकेनन्, ‘हुँदैन’ भन्न पनि सकेनन् । त्यसपछि बैठकको निर्णय माइन्युट लेखियो, सहीछाप गरियो । एक हप्तापछि यसलाई सर्कुलर गरियो । त्यसपछि १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमिलाई राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल मानियो । एक महिनापछि नापी विभागले १,४७,१८१ वर्गकिमि नेपालको राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल हो भनी डा. पीताम्बर शर्माको प्रतिक्रियाको जवाफ गोरखापत्रको ‘सम्पादकलाई चिठी’ स्तम्भमा प्रकाशित गर्‍यो ।

२०७७ पछिका विविध क्षेत्रफल

सरकारले २०७७ जेठ ७ गते चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित त गर्‍यो, तर त्यसको क्षेत्रफल अहिलेसम्म सार्वजनिक नगरेकाले भद्रगोल देखिएको छ । नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकै दिन कान्तिपुर संवाददाताले यसबारे सोध्दा तत्कालीन भूमि व्यवस्थामन्त्री पद्मा अर्यालले भनेकी थिइन्, ‘नेपालको क्षेत्रफल करिब ३३५ वर्गकिमि बढी भएको छ’ (कान्तिपुर, २०७७ जेठ ८) । केहीपछि उनै संवाददाताको जिज्ञासामा नापी विभागका सम्बन्धित अधिकृतले जानकारी दिएका थिए, ‘प्रोजेक्सन सिस्टमबाट मुलुकको क्षेत्रफल पुनर्मापन गर्दा ८२५ वर्गकिमि बढी आएको छ । कुल क्षेत्रफल अब १,४८,००६ वर्गकिमि हुने प्रस्ताव गरी मन्त्रालयमा पठाइएको छ ।’ (कान्तिपुर, २०७७ कात्तिक १९)

तत्कालीन शिक्षामन्त्री गिरिराजमणि पोखरेलले पाठ्यक्रम विकास समितिबाट प्रकाशित ‘नेपालको भूगोल र सीमा सम्बन्धी स्वाध्याय सामग्री’ पुस्तिका २०७७ भदौ ३० गते विमोचन गर्दै चुच्चे नक्साको बढेको भाग ४६० वर्गकिमिसहित नेपालको क्षेत्रफल १,४७,६४१ वर्गकिमि भएको छ भनेका थिए । यस पंक्तिकारले संवत् २०५९ मा प्रकाशित ‘बोर्डर म्यानेजमेन्ट अफ नेपाल’ पुस्तकको पृष्ठ ९९ मा चुच्चे नक्सा समावेश गरी चुच्चो परेको भागको क्षेत्रफल ३१० वर्गकिमिसहित अतिक्रमित लिम्पियाधुरासम्म ३७२ वर्गकिमि भएको कुरा प्रकाशमा ल्याएको थियो ।

नेपालको क्षेत्रफललाई लिएर विभिन्न अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संस्थाले समेत मनखुसी अंक राखेको पाइन्छ । विकिपेडिया, वर्ल्ड एटलास र गुगल सर्च इन्जिनले १,४७,५१६ वर्गकिमि; वर्ल्ड स्टाटिस्टिक र वर्ल्ड डाटा इन्फोले १,४७,१८०Ù यूएनडीपी र इसिमोडले १,४७,१८१ एवं ट्रेडिङ इकोनोमिक्सले १,४३,३५० वर्गकिमि उल्लेख गरेका छन् ।

चुच्चे नक्साको क्षेत्रफल किन प्रकाशित भएन ?

केही भूगोलवेत्ताको बजारिया भनाइ अनुसार, चुच्चे र बुच्चे नक्साको प्रोजेक्सन भिन्न भएकाले सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरेको हो । अर्कातिर, कार्टोग्राफरले चाहिँ नयाँ नक्सामा ‘ब्लन्ट कार्टोग्राफी’ का कारण ढिलाइ भएको हो भन्ने गरेको बुझिन्छ ।

चुच्चे नक्साअघिसम्म नेपालले युनिभर्सल ट्रान्सभर्सल मर्केटर (यूटीएम) प्रोजेक्सनमा आधारित नक्सा प्रकाशित गर्दै आएको थियो । चुच्चे नक्सामा चाहिँ, नापी विभागले जानकारी दिए अनुसार, ल्याम्बर्ट कोनिकल कन्फर्मल (एलसीसी) प्रोजेक्सन र एभरेस्ट स्फेरोइड १८३० सिस्टम तथा जीआईएस सफ्टवेरका माध्यमबाट क्षेत्रफल मापन गरिएको हो । नक्सा प्रोजेक्सन भनेको गोलाकार पृथ्वीलाई विभिन्न गणितीय विधिद्वारा समतल सतहमा परिवर्तन गरी नक्सा बनाउनु हो ।

यूटीएममा नेपाललाई देशान्तरका हिसाबमा तीन ग्रिड जोनमा विभाजन गरिएको थियो भने एलसीसी प्रोजेक्सनमा पूर्व–पश्चिम लाम्चिएको नेपाललाई एउटै जोन मानिएको छ । देशको क्षेत्रफल संगणना गर्दा यी दुवै प्रोजेक्सन पद्धति अनुसार केही मात्रामा कमीबेसी हुन सक्छ । तर नापी नक्साको सिद्धान्त अनुसार ‘पर्मिसिबल एरर’ भित्र पर्ने हुनाले कुल क्षेत्रफलमा खास उल्लेख्य फरक पर्दैन । कार्टोग्राफिक विधाचाहिँ क्षेत्रफलसँग सम्बन्धित रहँदैन ।

उसो भए किन नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित गरिएन त भन्ने प्रश्न आउन सक्छ । यसको जवाफ हुन सक्छ— ‘गएको सरकारले चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेकाले वर्तमान सरकारले नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशन गरेमा उसैको मानमर्यादा बढ्छ’ भनेर देखाइएको राजनीतिक उदासीनता र ‘यो त देशको भौगोलिक अखण्डतासँग गाँसिएको कुरो हो’ भन्नेमा सरकारको बुझाइको कमीका कारण नयाँ क्षेत्रफल प्रकाशित नगरिएको हो ।

अबको बाटो

कुनै पनि स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रको तोकिएको निश्चित सिमाना हुन्छ । त्यस सिमानाभित्रको जमिनको क्षेत्रफल सर्वमान्य विधिले सरकारले तोकेको हुन्छ । मुलुकको क्षेत्रफलबारे अन्योल रहिरहनु हुँदैन । यसैले अब नापी विभाग अन्तर्गत क्यानेडियन एलआरएमपी आयोजनाले हवाईफोटोको सहायताले प्राविधिक तवरमा संगणना गरेको १,४७,४८४ वर्गकिमिमा चुच्चे नक्सा प्रकाशित गरेको दिन नापी विभागको प्राविधिक परिप्रेक्ष्यमा भूमि व्यवस्थामन्त्रीले सञ्चारकर्मीलाई बताएको ३३५ वर्गकिमि जोड्दा हुन आउने १,४७,८१९ वर्गकिमि नेपालको आधिकारिक राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रफल हो भनी सार्वजनिक गरिए त्यस्तो अन्योल समाप्त हुन्छ ।